Die brasilianische Seite sinaisdoreino.com.br hat einen interessanten Artikel gepostet. Mit beeindruckenden Fotos soll belegt werden, dass es eine Absatzkrise bzw. Überproduktionskrise im Automobilsektor gibt. Übersetzung des Artikels folgt.
Wer kein portugisiesch spricht, kann aber schon mal Bilder von riesigen Autoparks anschauen! Es soll dazu Pläne von millionen Surplus-Proletariern geben, sich die Autos einfach unter den Nagel zu reißen.
This is for the world’s exploited and dominated groups or classes. It is for the uncomfortable, the miserable, the disempowered, or the lost. It is also for the uncontrollable, empowered, fed up, and criminalized. It is a reminder for those living in conflict every day with the social order that reigns upon the earth, that they are not alone.
We are a revolutionary publication that hopes to report on struggles that will otherwise be mentioned inappropriately or not at all. We report on struggles that stem from a frustration with different forms of domination, and intend to achieve freedom from them, without compromise.
New Pussy Riot song & music video on police brutality and the death of Eric Garner who was killed by NYC Police.
All Leberwürste unite!
by Gilles Dauvé
“There are times in which we can do nothing except not lose our head.”
Louis Mercier-Vega, from La Chevauchée anonyme 
When workers are forced to take in hand their own affairs in order to survive, they open the possibility of social change.
Some Kurds have been forced to act in the conditions that they find and attempt to create, in the midst of an internationalized war unfavourable to emancipation.
We are not here to “judge” them.
Nor to lose our heads.
In various parts of the world, proletarians are led to self-defence through self-organization:
A vast cloud of “movements” — armed and unarmed, and oscillating between social banditry and organized guerrilla activity — act in the most wretched zones of the global capitalist junkyard, presenting traits similar to those of the current PKK. In one way or another, they attempt to resist the destruction of already marginal subsistence economies, the plundering of natural resources or local mining, or the imposition of capitalist landed property that limits or prevents access and/or use. […] [W]e can randomly cite cases of piracy in the seas of Somalia, MEND in Nigeria, the Naxalites in India, the Mapuche in Chile. […] It is essential to grasp the content they have in common: self-defense. [O]ne always self-organizes on the basis of what one is within the capitalist mode of production (workers of this or that company, inhabitant of this or that district etc.), while the abandonment of the defensive terrain (“demands”) coincides with the fact that all these subjects interpenetrate each other, and that as the capital/wage-labour relation that structures them starts to disintegrate, the distinctions cease to exist. 
In Rojava, has self-organization led (or could it lead) from the necessity of survival to an upheaval of social relations?
It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of the powerful Kurdish independence movement in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran. The Kurds have been torn apart for decades through the rivalry between these countries and the repression that they suffer there. After the explosion of Iraq into three entities (Sunni, Shiite and Kurd), the Syrian civil war has liberated a territory in Syria where Kurdish autonomy has taken a new form. A popular union (that is to say cross-class) was established to manage this territory and defend it against a military threat. The Islamic State (IS) has served as the agent of this break. The resistance mixes old community ties and new movements, in particular women, through a de facto alliance between proletarians and the middle classes, with “the Nation” [acting] as cement. “The transformation taking place in Rojava rests to some extent on a radical Kurdish identity and on [a] substantial middle class […] contingent who, despite radical rhetoric, always have some interest in the continuity of capital and the state.” 
Faith has in fact thereby become the same as the Enlightenment, namely, the consciousness of the relation between the finite existing in itself and a predicate-less, unknown and unknowable absolute. The only distinction is merely that the Enlightenment is satisfied, whereas faith is the unsatisfied Enlightenment. Nonetheless, it is still to be seen whether the Enlightenment can persist in its satisfaction. The longing on the part of the former tarnished spirit which mourns the loss of its spiritual world lurks in the background. The Enlightenment itself has this stain of unsatisfied longing in it – as the pure object in its empty absolute essence – as activity and movement in its act of going beyond its individual essence to an other-worldly beyond which is not brought to fruition – and as an object brought to fruition in the selflessness of utility. The Enlightenment will sublate this stain. In the closer examination of the positive result, which to the Enlightenment is the truth, it will turn out that the stain is in itself already sublated.
§573, Phenomenology of Spirit, Hegel
Der Glauben ist in der Tat hiemit dasselbe geworden, was die Aufklärung, nämlich das Bewußtsein der Beziehung des an sich seienden Endlichen auf das prädikatlose, unerkannte und unerkennbare Absolute; nur daß sie die befriedigte, er aber die unbefriedigte Aufklärung ist. Es wird sich jedoch an ihr zeigen, ob sie in ihrer Befriedigung bleiben kann; jenes Sehnen des trüben Geistes, der über den Verlust seiner geistigen Welt trauert, steht im Hinterhalte. Sie selbst hat diesen Makel des unbefriedigten Sehnens an ihr, – als reinen Gegenstand an ihrem leeren absoluten Wesen, – als Tun und Bewegung an dem Hinausgehen über ihr Einzelwesen zum unerfüllten Jenseits, – als erfüllten Gegenstand an der Selbstlosigkeit des Nützlichen. Sie wird diesen Makel aufheben; aus der nähern Betrachtung des positiven Resultates, das ihr die Wahrheit ist, wird sich ergeben, daß er an sich darin schon aufgehoben ist.
§573, Die Phänomenologie des Geistes, Hegel
Prehistory of a Success
The announcement of national elections in Greece, roughly two years before the coalition government of New Democracy and Pasok completed their term, immediately sparked a renewed interest in this southern and economically peripheral European country. The relative silence that preceded this novel attention for the last two years was, at least in media terms, understandable. If Greece enjoyed an earlier moment of fame, it was primarily due to the unprecedented austerity measures imposed by the troika—the European Commission, European Central Bank (E.C.B.), and International Monetary Fund (I.M.F.)—in exchange for new loans, designed to “assist” the Greek state after it officially announced, in April 2010, that it was unable to repay its existing, “non-viable” sovereign debt (120 percent of G.D.P. at the time). The reactions to the implementation of the austerity program were also pivotal in bringing Greece into the spotlight: general strikes, violent demonstrations, and the movement of the squares ensured, between 2010 and 2012, that the future of Greece’s “fiscal consolidation program” (to borrow the official economic jargon) was seriously threatened. Along with the memorandum imposed by the troika, what came under attack was the legitimacy of the political system,1 generating wild speculation about the future of Greece’s membership in the Eurozone, as well as the unpredictable consequences this could have for the E.U., not to mention the global economy.
However, the movement which tried to halt the austerity program failed. The reasons are varied, and it is not within the scope of this article to explain them in detail. Suffice it to say that, as in every other social movement, this failure should be traced to both the violent determination of the government(s) to proceed with austerity at all costs (for which the ruling factions have paid a price) and the inability of the movement to transform itself from a defensive mobilization to protect existing conditions into an offensive attack on the conditions that created the crisis.
Nonetheless, the attention that Greece received was justifiable. Without exaggeration, one could argue that many of the political strategies of resistance which the international left has only read about in books were tried and tested in Greece in the years after the crisis: general strikes with massive participation, bringing economic activities to a halt; militant and violent demonstrations with constantly growing numbers of participation; neighborhood assemblies that sought to act as minuscule formations of self-organization, attempting to deal with immediate issues caused by the crisis; one of the most militant squares movements, which managed to call for two successful general strikes; a climate of continuous antagonism that gradually but steadily involved more and more people.
It is, however, no exaggeration to say that none of these inspiring moments managed to counteract the effects of the crisis and its management by the state. However exhilarating, promising, and tense these outbreaks were for those of us who participated in them, it has become imperative to understand their failure to achieve even a small (however reformist) victory.
Shortly after the National Socialist party consolidated their power, a writer named Peter Bender convinced some Nazi brass to attempt an experiment that, if successful, would send a rocket from Magdenburg to New Zealand. The intercontinental ballistic missile was still decades away from completion, but Bender believed he had figured out how to attack the other side of the Earth—by firing directly into the sky.
He had come under the influence of an American occult group that believed in a particularly bizarre variation on the Hollow Earth theory. While the concept of habitable layers beneath the Earth’s crust had been popular for centuries amongst occultists, Bender’s Hohlwelt-theorie argued that the Earth was a vault within an endless field of matter. The sun was somewhere in the middle of this vault, and the stars in the sky were the lights of cities from the other side.
“An infinite universe is a Jewish abstraction,” wrote Bender. “A finite, rounded universe is a thoroughly Aryan conception.” The anti-Semitic aspect of the theory attracted the attention of Herman Göring but was quickly dismissed in favor of Hanns Hörbiger’s slightly less fanciful World Ice Theory. The idea nonetheless remained compelling to some, and the German Navy attempted to locate British fleets using astronomical instruments.
Hollow Earth and World Ice theories were only two particularly laughable examples of a Nazi cultural regression that included radical alterations in the fields of mathematics, psychology, and physics. It is arguable that the rejection of Einstein’s theory of relativity in place of Deutsche Physiks prevented the Nazis from developing nuclear technology and many other weapons. Some historians similarly argue that the eugenic fervor of the Master Race ideology, which paved the way to the Final Solution, diverted resources to an extent that helped cost Hitler the war.