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leberwurst proletariat

Tag: antifa

White Rose: Anti-Nazi Leaflets 1942-43

gestapo_mug_shots_of_sophie_18_february_1943-no_source-probably_german_federal_archive-hans

All the leaflets published by the White Rose group of anti-fascists in Germany, including other documents and texts related to the group. [source: Libcom]

White Rose – Leaflet 1

The first leaflet of the German anti-Nazi group the White Rose, produced in June 1942.

 

Nothing is so unworthy of a civilised nation as allowing itself to be governed without opposition by an irresponsible clique that has yielded to base instinct. It is certain that today every honest German is ashamed of his government.

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Antifa, a documentary

 

Since the election of Donald Trump, acts of racist violence have proliferated across the United States. Racists and misogynists feel emboldened to express and act on their views. White nationalist groups and resurgent traditional white supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan have used Trumps victory to gain new recruits. All that stands in their way are the groups of anarchists and anti-state communists who have taken it upon themselves to prevent fascism from becoming a powerful political force in the United States. This film tells the story of what “Antifa” is and why people are using these tactics to confront racism and fascism in the US today.

Who are the anti-fascists? What motivates them to risk their lives to fight the far right? What is the history of militant anti-fascism and why is it relevant again today? How is anti-fascism connected to a larger political vision that can stop the rise of fascism and offer us visions of a future worth fighting for? Through interviews with anti-fascist organizers, historians, and political theorists in the US and Germany, we explore the broader meaning of this political moment while taking the viewer to the scene of street battles from Washington to Berkeley and Charlottesville.

by Global Uprisings

Autonomous Antifa: From the Autonomen to Post-Antifa in Germany

AA_BO

AA/BO: Bloc of the “Antifaschistische Aktion – Bundesweite Organisation“. Northeim, June 4, 1994. (The organization AA/BO was founded in 1992 and disbanded in 2001.)

An Interview with Bender, a German Comrade 
by Paul O’Banion

Bender has been involved in the autonomous movement in Germany since the 1980s, and talks here about his experiences and observations from thirty years of organizing. He addresses the beginnings of the autonomen – the autonomous movement – how Antifa developed out of that in the late 80s and 90s, and has developed since.  He discusses where things are now, in a post-autonomous, post-antifa, German radical Left environment. He is familiar with the situation in the US, and offers lessons for organizing against fascism and all forms of domination. This interview was conducted via email, and Bender’s answers have been edited for clarity.

-Paul O’Banion

Talk about the autonomen: who you are, what political traditions and perspectives are you building on, and what has been your practical and theoretical activity.

Bender: When we talk about “the autonomen,” we speak of the 80s in Germany where the autonomen first appeared and had the character of a movement. It is one outcome of the dynamics of the so-called New Social Movements or, as you call it in the US, the New Left.

As in many other countries, the beginnings of the New Social Movements, from which the autonomous movement of the 80s was one result, was “the long year of ’68,” which in Germany is perhaps best characterised as an “anti-authoritarian revolt.” We have to remember, that the year ‘68 politically lasted much longer than one year.  The movement after ‘68 reached a kind of exhaustion, in which people asked themselves how to go on, which means: how to organize a movement in decline.

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Welcome to Hell: G20 Hamburg

G20 live coverage

Announcing Continuous Live Coverage of the G20 in Hamburg – crimethinc

Welcome to Hell!

Today—July 6, the first day of an international mobilization against the 2017 G20 summit in Germany—we’re be posting continuous live updates, providing firsthand reports and analysis of the events in Hamburg. Tune in right here for continuous updates running late into the night and resuming on Friday if all goes well. We welcome field reports, footage, and updates. Send them to us at G20@crimethinc.com—we’ll sift through them, fact-check them, and blast them out into the world.


The Police Lost Tonight in Hamburg

Summing up the First Day of Resistance to the G20

A video overview of the days events.

While the city of Hamburg is slowly quieting down, there are still many streets on which demonstrators continue to keep the police at bay, pelting them with projectiles and building barricades. It is fair to say that the police will be busy all night. As we’re wrapping up our live coverage of the first day of actions against the G20 in Hamburg, it’s safe to say that the police lost tonight.

The residents of Hamburg woke up this morning to the news that a large number of Porsches had been burned in the outskirts last night, giving an indication of the ungovernable energy with which Hamburg would resist this intrusion.

https://player.vimeo.com/video/224553314?title=0&byline=0&portrait=0
Several expensive cars burned this morning, likely in protest against the G20 summit in Hamburg.

Despite the police controlling busses and trains full of activists at the border, they simply could not stop the crowds that gathered in the city center for the Welcome to Hell demonstration. The crowds they had to fear were not a few radical activists listed in the files of the secret police, but the population of Hamburg itself, which came together in opposition to the militarized policing that the G20 forced on the city.

The German police had brought together approximately 20,000 officers, including troops from other EU countries, with the intention of utterly quashing resistance. They brutally raided the camp that activists set up to accommodate protesters, then attacked people who gathered to enjoy themselves in the streets on July 4 and 5. They did everything they could to spread fear, in hopes of intimidating people out of showing up to the demonstrations to express their feelings about capitalism and the state.

It didn’t work. The Welcome to Hell demonstration attracted multigenerational crowds prepared to participate in blocs, black and otherwise. Thousands of people came together with joy, courage, and determination. In response, the police attacked a permitted demonstration without any justification—creating panic, severely injuring many people, and making more than 50 arrests in the first wave of repressive violence.

Yet this only served to foment more outrage against the authorities, which spread all around the city in the form of burning cars, barricades, and multiple simultaneous clashes and demonstrations of thousands. The strategy of terrorizing and kettling people with tremendous numbers of officers using brand-new militarized police equipment and brutal force simply failed. There were too many people on the streets and the police lost control. They report that 76 officers were injuredin Hamburg tonight.

There was a lot at stake today. The German state and the world leaders wanted to show that they are in control, that their reign is popular—or, failing that, that they can successfully dominate the population. They wanted the world to see that they can freely harass, intimidate, and oppress people without consequences. They wanted to flaunt their power by bringing the G20 to a center of resistance. Instead, they demonstrated their weakness.

Tonight, with the help of courageous people from around the world, Hamburg stood up and said Enough. We are humbled and inspired. We will continue tomorrow.

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A Small Guide To The System of the Left in Germany

SektologieDerLinkenlyzis2011
(communists in situ – berlin faction hereby presents a translation of “System der Linke: Kleine Einführung” from Die Axt #4, Organ of Social Decomposition , by the Office of Mental Rampage)

 

I.

Leninists: see Stalinists

Stalinists: Authoritarian scumbags; by socialism, they understand the police state; claim to introduce freedom by means of the whip; weak philosophers, bad aesthetes, big tendency for sectarianism.

Trotskyists: Stalinists who lost the power struggle for the Kremlin after Lenin’s death. Even bigger tendency for sectarianism.

Maoists: Stalinists who took over the Chinese imperial throne.

Anarchists: 1) Petty-bourgeois nonsense from Proudhon to the Ego and its Own. 2) Current of anti-authoritarian socialism; provided some of the best class-strugglers of their time. Representatives: Bakunin, Kropotkin, Goldman, Durruti. Parties: Jura section, FAI.

II.

 

68ers: The so-called 68ers are not at all what’s interesting about what happened around 1968. Although at that time they weren’t identical with what became of them, others were still smarter and more interesting than they, including Subversive Action, French workers, Yippies, Zengakuren, et al. German Parties: University, Student Councils, SDS, then KPD-XY, later the Greens and the Federal Army.

Situationists: Screw together Dutch-German council communism with Lettrism (a kind of French Dada) and Hegelian-Marxism and go beyond all, i.e., to outline a critique of the totality of the commodity-economy and late-capitalist daily life, and explore some ways to dissolve it. Overestimated their times, but made a fucking big party in May 68 in Paris, then drank a nightcap in Italy and Spain. Party: Guy Debord.

Terrorists: Nechayevistic comrades who cause and suffer indescribable, but quite unnecessary aggravation. Parties: RAF, June 2nd Movement, Conspiracy Cells of Fire

 

 III.

 

Undogmatic Left: Doesn’t exist in Germany; here each leftist and each sect has at least one dogma; after a short discussion, it’s clear that this is their identity, criticism of which is hence undesirable.

Antifa: Clubs of mostly young people who reject society but are still a bit unclear about why; that’s why they try to hoist their social criticism onto the nastiness of neo-Nazis. Leading the young comrades are at least two or three older people who refuse to grow up because they are too stupid to read intelligent books.

Ums-Ganze: Opportunistic bunch of older anti-fascists who, despite recognizing that anti-fascism is not enough for the “categorical critique of the capitalist socialization of value,” nonetheless still shy away from filling in the content of such phrases, i.e. to work towards a consistent critique of capitalist totality. “Theory” in general stands fairly indifferent as to its unification, since it’s not about knowledge for them, but rather about keywords for their “praxis.” They don’t want to let go of the occupational therapy learned in antifa (demos, campaigns, left coalitions, podium discussions), but of course in private they know it’s pointless, that’s why they don’t perceive theses things politically, but rather as “social events.”

Anti-imps: Leftists who’d rather talk about peoples and cultures than classes. Obsessively passionate about reproaching the Jewish state for its crimes (of which it certainly often exaggerates); no inclination for a materialist critique of the state. Have sympathies for even the most heinous dictatorships, as long as they are against “foreign domination.” Parties: RAF from 1972, Baath, Hezbollah.

Anti-Germans: Mostly responsible for making some leftists read Adorno again. For about ten years now though they’re not so different from their main enemies, the Anti-imps, even if they just adore the states that the Anti-imps most abhor. They don’t behave as social critics, but rather government advisors; geostrategy instead of social criticism. Only the early texts up to 2003 are of interest. Parties: Bahamas, DIG

Anti-German Communists: Anti-German comrades that remain communists. Try to move the reflection on Auschwitz into the center of Marxism. Party: ISF

Pomos / Poststructuralists: Want to abolish truth and objectivity; these poor devils cannot understand that truth is objective and not merely plausible. For them, society is based on all-powerful “discourses,” not relations of production and (material) violence. Bad metaphysicians who deny the body. With their irrationalism, they prepare the way for the authoritarian state. Successors: FLT and CW.

Women, Lesbian, Trans*-Activists (FLT*): Substitute the main contradiction between capital and labor for the one between sexes. Love to invent new words, abbreviations and offenses. Looks at the world through a microscope. Staunchly anti-materialist; don’t get to the bottom of sexism. Respond often to real filth and problems by proposing solutions that are mostly worse than the problems themselves. Cementing victim roles, instead of revolutionizing individuals. Party: Definitionsmacht

Critical Whiteness: Something like the FLT*-activists in the realm of antiracism. Making jokes irritates them even more. Think that reality would be different if all the bad words were censored. Pronounced paranoia. Quite often further the racialization of individuals themselves.

Autonomen: Are there any left?

Marxologists: Former philosophy students, thus foolish schmucks that waste too much brain power on dividing up Marx & Engels according to the motto: propositions that we agree with come from Marx, and whatever we dislike is Engel’s fault. After a while, the knowledge margin for others is quite small. Disarm and humiliate revolutionary criticism as an academic discipline. Don’t understand that the truth of society is not a reconstruction of Marx, but its negation. Some philological diligence. Parties: New Marx Reading, MEGA.

(Anarcho)-Syndicalists: Left-radical trade unionists who see the liberation of workers in their self-exploitation. Still mentally stuck in the Spanish Civil War, but on the side of the CNT and not the FAI. Party: FAU

Cultural Left: Students who read subversive potential into culture industry products that meet their personal taste. At best, you can drink a nice beer with them.

Left-communist-Bordigists: Don’t understand the difference between the first and second world war. What does it matter whether the CDU or the NSDAP governs since it’s all merely the rule of capital and a few million dead Jews are not as important as five oppositional workers.

Anti-speciesists: Vegans who can’t see the difference between dogs and humans. Enjoy living in construction trailers under conditions that no one would wish upon dogs. No smoking or drinking, true to their motto: „Whoever insults life is dumb or bad.“

Environmentalists: Petty-bourgeois opportunists who get very upset about global warming or whaling, but don’t see that the destruction of the planet can’t be stopped by some engagement in civil society, rather only by proletarian world revolution.

Against the Nation

Against-The-Nation-anti-national-politics-in-germany

Something better than the nation?

by Blair Taylor

Book Review: Rob Ogman, Against the Nation: Anti-National Politics in Germany. Porsgrunn, Norway: New Compass Press, 2013.

In the wake of the fall of the Wall and reunification the German left confronted a resurgent nationalism. One section of the Left’s response was an “anti-national” tendency whose answer to questions posed by historical developments challenged received political categories by rejecting not only nationalism but, ultimately, traditional left attitudes towards both the nation-state and “the people.” In Against the Nation, Rob Ogman charts the emergence of this “anti-national” tendency by examining two activist campaigns of the 1990s, “Never Again Germany” and “Something Better than the Nation,” to show how “the encounter with nationalism resulted in a fundamental reorientation of a broad set of political assumptions, and produced a deep restructuring in the content and contours of left politics and practice” (11). However, more than an interesting window into radical movements in Germany, the book’s real strength is that it uses these cases to reflect upon left discourse on nationalism and nation-states everywhere, but with particular emphasis on the post-9/11 United States.

The book’s opening chapter, “The Left and the Nation,” begins by tracing the evolution of left positions on nation-states and nationalism in the U.S. since the 1990s, examining discursive continuities and breaks between the alter-globalization movement, the anti-war and anti-imperialist movements of the Bush years, up to Occupy Wall Street in the recent past. This overview describes how a “binary worldview” in the alter-globalization movement often pitted presumably benign nation-states and cultures against the ravages of global capital, which later during the War on Terror morphed easily into a similarly uncritical understanding of “oppressed nations” dominated by imperialist states, the latter primarily represented by the United States and Israel. The result was a simplistic and flawed conceptualization of both global capitalism and state power which demonized foreign capital and imperialist states while ignoring or downplaying domestic forms of exploitation and oppression. Valorizing the people, nation, or “culture” as sources of resistance, the discourse of anti-imperialism turned a blind eye to local state and capitalist elites, as well as popular forms of domination in traditional societies. It also made for strange political bedfellows, translating into tolerance and support for reactionary movements and parties, especially Islamist ones like Hamas and Hezbollah, in some cases even defending oppressive theocratic regimes like Iran. Ogman describes how this political frame obscured a more complicated political reality shaped by the deeper structural logic of state and capitalist power relations, one that undermines simple inside/outside distinctions. It also reinforced the nation-state and “the people” as the logical alternatives and unproblematic bases of resistance to the ills of capitalism and empire. By tracing “the failure of the Left to develop an emancipatory perspective opposed to nationalism, the nation, and the nation-state” (33) within the U.S. Left, Ogman provides a political context for understanding the German case that follows.

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Hämmer, Brecheisen, und Messer: Die Räumung des Berliner Refugee-Camps

Vice Berlin,  TAZ

Der Berliner Innensenator Frank Henkel und Polizeipräsident Klaus Kandt können zufrieden sein. Die Räumung des Flüchtlingscamp auf dem Kreuzberger Oranienplatz erfolgte ohne die befürchteten Ausschreitungen und Krawalle und vor allem ohne dass Polizisten auf Geflüchtete einschlagen mussten. Die Flüchtlinge haben ihre Zelte selbst abgerissen—zumindest teilweise. Die heutige Aktion könnte als Lehrstück dienen für zukünftige Fragen, wie man eine Protestbewegung langsam zermürbt und schlussendlich kampfunfähig macht.

kietzmann-oplatz-25

In aller Herrgottsfrühe machte sich heute Morgen gegen sechs Uhr eine Gruppe von Flüchtlingen auf, die selbstgezimmerten Hütten auf dem Platz abzureißen. Bewaffnet mit Hämmern, Brecheisen und Messern zerstörten sie nach und nach alle Zelte und Behausungen, egal ob die jeweiligen Bewohnern den Platz verlassen wollten oder nicht. Dabei kam es zu extremen Spannungen zwischen den Bewohnern untereinander, wobei diejenigen, die den Abriss vorantrieben, extrem gewaltbereit wirkten.

Es wurden Messer gezogen und mit den mitgebrachten Werkzeugen gedroht. Immer wieder kam es zu Handgreiflichkeiten. Die anwesenden Unterstützerinnen und Unterstützer standen vor dem Problem, dass sie nicht, wie erwartet, der Polizei gegenüber standen, sondern jenen Menschen, die sie eigentlich unterstützen wollten. Letztendlich ist es sogar ihnen zu verdanken gewesen, dass Schlimmeres verhindert werden konnte. Von der Polizei fehlte bis zum späteren Nachmittag jede Spur.

kietzmann-oplatz-15

Das Geschehen des heutigen Tages ist das Ergebnis eines taktischen Vorgehens, das schon vor Monaten einsetzte. Dilek Kolat, Integrationsministerin von Berlin, erklärte sich im Januar bereit, das Problem Oranienplatz zu lösen. Zu diesem Zweck lud sie zu einem runden Tisch und empfing mehrere Delegationen aus dem Flüchtlingscamp. Als klar wurde, dass die Geflüchteten höchst unterschiedliche Ausgangslagen und Ansprüche stellten, begann Kolat, sukzessive gewisse Gesprächspartner auszuschließen und andere zu bevorzugen. Gegen Ende konzentrierte sie sich auf die Gruppe der sogenannten Lampedusa-Flüchtlinge, die im Gegensatz zu anderen Asylsuchenden gültige italienische Papiere haben, denen sie aber Geldzahlungen, eine Unterkunft und eine Duldung versprach—immerhin für ganze sechs Monate.

kietzmann-oplatz-42

Den anderen Flüchtlingsaktivisten war dieses Angebot zu wenig, da in dem vorgelegten Kompromisspapier auch keinerlei Garantien gegeben werden konnten, außer dem Versprechen auf eine wohlwollende Einzelfallprüfung. Trotz allem gelang es Kolat, einen Teil der Flüchtlinge zu überzeugen, den Kompromiss anzunehmen, ein Umstand, der die Bewegung zutiefst spaltete. Hinzu kamen noch Streitigkeiten um die Verwendung von Spendengeldern, wobei auch hier wiederum die Lampedusa-Gruppe schwere Anschuldigungen gegen Flüchtlingsaktivisten und Unterstützer erhob.

Geld sei veruntreut worden, Geld, das die Bewohner des Oranienplatzes dringend bräuchten, zumindest dringender als die politische Bewegung. Die ursprünglichen Forderungen—Abschaffung der Residenzpflicht, Abschaffung der Lagerunterbringung, Stop aller Abschiebungen—traten immer weiter in den Hintergrund. Nicht von der Hand zu weisen ist allerdings, dass die Spendenbereitschaft der Berliner Bevölkerung und die Solidarität mit dem Refugee-Camp über die letzten Monate hinweg immer weiter nachließ, so dass zuletzt kein Essen mehr ausgegeben werden konnte und die Bewohner des Camps nicht mehr wussten, wie sie überleben sollten. All diese Faktoren führten letztendlich zu einer Gemengelage, in der ein paar Refugees im Angebot des Senats nun also einen Strohhalm zu sehen glauben, der ihnen die Chance auf ein würdiges Leben zu bieten scheint. Für diese Chance gingen sie dann also heute morgen los und demolierten ihre Hütten und die der Anderen.

kietzmann-polizei-oplatz-6

Wenn Menschen in ihrer Verzweiflung alles tun, um ihre Situation zu verbessern, so ist das eine Sache. Wenn die Politik allerdings diese Menschen instrumentalisiert und gegen andere Menschen in der gleichen Situation aufhetzt, dann ist das perfide. Menschen, die mit extremen Gewalterfahrungen traumatisiert sind, über Stunden ihrem eigenen Schicksal zu überlassen und mit Waffen aufeinander losgehen zu lassen, ist mehr als nur fahrlässig.

1

Bei jeder mittleren bis größeren Schlägerei ist spätestens nach fünf Minuten die Polizei da. Heute bedrohten sich auf dem Berliner Oranienplatz Menschen mit Stahlrohren und Messern, ohne dass auch nur ein Ordnungshüter in Uniform erschien. Schlussendlich tauchte die Polizei gegen 15 Uhr auf, um die letzten verbliebenen Aktivisten auf dem Oranienplatz zu räumen. Weiträumig wurde der Platz abgesperrt, so dass niemand mehr ins Innere der Absperrungen gelangen konnte. In nur 20 Minuten wurden sämtliche Sitzblockaden aufgelöst und die letzten 200 Protestierenden vom Platz entfernt.

kietzmann-polizei-oplatz-15

Das Refugee-Camp auf dem Oranienplatz scheint nun vorerst Geschichte zu sein. Der Kampf wird allerdings fortgesetzt werden, versicherten Aktivisten, und bis in die frühe Abendstunden hielten sich auch noch die letzten fünf Demonstranten auf einem Baum, den sie am Nachmittag besetzt hatten.

 

IN HAMBURGS ‘GEFAHRENZONE’ SPIELEN DIE KIDS RÄUBER UND GENDARME MIT DER POLIZEI

[von Elena Ochoa Lamiño,  vice.com/de]

Foto: Björn Kietzmann

Seit Samstagfrüh wohne ich in einem Gefahrengebiet und mit mir Tausende weitere Anwohner in Teilen von St. Pauli, Altona und Sternschanze. Das hat die Polizei Hamburg an diesem Wochenende entschieden. Jeder, der hier durchspaziert, einkauft, zur Arbeit will oder einfach einen Kaffee trinken möchte, muss damit rechnen, von der Polizei angehalten zu werden und sich auszuweisen—ohne Grund, einfach weil sie es dürfen. Schuld sind wiederholte Angriffe auf Polizisten, heftige Krawalle während großen Demos sowie Attacken auf Polizeireviere, wie etwa die Davidwache am Kiez, in den vergangenen Wochen.

Ein Schritt vor die Tür und ich stehe mitten drin im Gefahrengebiet. Hier soll der Ausnahmezustand herrschen.

Ein kühles Lüftchen weht mir um die Nase, ein paar feuchte Blätter und matschiger Silvesterdreck liegen hier rum. Das einzige, was ich höre, ist die Straße und die übliche Geräuschkulisse des Hafens, in dem Container gelöscht werden. Keine Parolen, keine Sirenen, keine Knaller oder Ähnliches. Ich fühle mich weder gefährlich noch gefährdet. Vielleicht muss ich mich ein wenig durch das Viertel bewegen, um etwas zu erleben.

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