communists in situ

leberwurst proletariat

Tag: cominsitu

Federici vs. Marx (Gilles Dauvé)

“rough magic I here abjure”

Shakespeare,The Tempest, 1610

Caliban & the Witch is of undeniable interest for our understanding of social movements at the critical juncture between medieval and modern times, of the advent of capitalism, its sexual dimension, the treatment of women and the conversion of female and male bodies into a work-machine, among other things. But the book also sets forth a vision of past and present which is as questionable as the political perspective that this vision entails. (1)

How capitalism came about according to Silvia Federici

Federeci claims to be writing “against Marxist orthodoxy” (p.6), and Caliban & the Witch is commonly read as a complement (or for some readers, as an alternative) to Marx’s Capital, especially Part VIII. Federici writes:

“ (..) my description of primitive accumulation includes a set of historical phenomena that are absent in Marx, and yet have been extremely important for capitalist accumulation. They include : 1) the development of a new sexual division of labour subjugating women’s labour and women’s reproductive function to the reproduction of the work-force; 2) the construction of a new patriarchal order, based upon the exclusion of women from waged-work and their subordination to men; 3) the mechanization of the proletarian body and its transformation, in the case of women, into a machine for the production of new workers.” (p. 11)

So we expect to read what was missing in the accepted master narrative, especially as history suffers from a long tradition of writing women off. The question is, where does a counter-hegemonic history lead us? In Federici’s case, the author is not merely filling in gaps: her analysis of primitive accumulation amounts to nothing less than a conception of capitalism not just different from Marx’s but indeed opposed to it.

In order to understand the birth of capitalism, she emphasises the specific oppression that social groups, women in particular, were subjected to. That is what she is targeting, and her approach prioritises certain factors and downplays others.

The question is, what tipped the historical scales ?

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Kung Fury

[definitely a C.I.S. production]

History of the Situationist International




Paul mattick

Paul Mattick

Interview with Lotta Continua 1977

Question: We seem to be entering into a new period of serious economic and social crisis. What are the new features of this period, in comparison with the 1930’s?

Answer: The basic reasons for the current crisis are the same as those which caused all previous capitalist crises. But all crises have also specific features with respect to their initiation, the reactions released by them, and their outcome. The changing capital structure accounts for these peculiarities. Generally, a crisis follows in the wake of a period of successful capital accumulation, wherein the profits produced and realized are sufficient to maintain a given rate of expansion. This state of capitalistic prosperity requires a steadily increasing productivity of labor, large enough to offset the relative decline of profitability resulting from the changing capital structure. The competitive and therefore blind pursuit of profit on the part of individual capitals cannot help but ignore the changing capital/labor composition of the social capital. The crisis erupts, when an arising disproportionality between a required rate of profit for the social capital and its necessary rate of accumulation forbids its further expansion. This underlying but empirically unascertainable discrepancy comes to the fore in terms of market relations as a lack of effective demand, which is only another expression for a lack of accumulation on which the effective demand depends.

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A Schmaltzy Critique of Endnotes


from The North Star

Endnotes: A Romantic Critique?


Endnotes 3 is the most recent product of the discussion group of ‘communisation’ theorists that go under the Endnotes name. In this article, I will attempt a sympathetic, but critical discussion of what I see as some of the central contributions of Endnotes’ writings, especially in Endnotes 2 and Endnotes 3. The Endnotes discussions, and perhaps communisation theory more generally, I think can fairly be said to develop two central ideas throughout their work. The first is that the history of the 20th century has been the historic failure of the workers’ movement as a workers’ movement, that is, as a self-conscious movement based on working class identity and the class position of the worker — the affirmation of the working class, including its associated concepts of ‘workers’ power’, the ‘workers’ state’ and so forth. This workers’ movement is seen to have failed to understand the abolition of classes required to abolish the value form: not an affirmation of working class identity, but doing away with such identity — a class position that is a “misfortune”. The central question is then, as Endnotes 2 put it: “The history of capitalist society is the history of the reproduction of the capitalist class relation. It is that of the reproduction of capital as capital, and — its necessary concomitant — of the working class as working class. If we assume the reproduction of this relation is not inevitable, what is the possibility of its non-reproduction?”  . . . continue






There are so many terrible things.


No, no, there are not so many now.






Do you not think this has gone on long enough?






This… this… thing.


I’ve always thought so.


You not?

HAMM (gloomily):

Then it’s a day like any other day.


As long as it lasts.


All life long the same inanities.


I can’t leave you.


I know. And you can’t follow me.





Advertising doesn’t impose false desires. So when I tell you that I prefer to gaze upon the florid arabesque pattern on the yellow wallpaper you must understand — I don’t feel good — don’t bother me.

Stop and consider for a moment the Darstellungsform of commodity society — that is, the appearances of value that can only be expressed through the phenomenal identity of the exchange relation. Bring to attention here the ontological status of appearances. As Hegel was well aware, reality does not exist independently from its appearance, but is rather constitutive of social existence. “The essence of the world coincides with the statistical law by which its surface is classified.” This appearance of reality as reality does not take place in isolation, but contains its own negativity. An appearance is not something that appears, but rather an appearance for-another, an appearance that is other than. Activity, in its appearance, therefore must calculate how it can distinguish itself among others, while retaining an independence less precise than termination.

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Questions and Answers

I Like this Picture

Some people frequently ask us: Who are the Communists in Situ? How can I join you? What is the meaning of the leberwurst proletariat?  What’s the relation between the Comintern and the Cominsitu? What’s your political program? Sind Sie Deutsche? Amerikaner? Warum schreibst du in verschiedenen Sprachen?Who are the League of Rootless Cosmopolitans? What’s the point of this blog? Why the dolphins?

In response, we can only answer with a story.

Two men of Chelm went out for a walk, when suddenly it began to rain.
“Quick,” said one. “Open your umbrella.”
“It won’t help,” said his friend. “My umbrella is full of holes.”
“Then why did you bring it?”
“I didn’t think it would rain!”


[von Elena Ochoa Lamiño,]

Foto: Björn Kietzmann

Seit Samstagfrüh wohne ich in einem Gefahrengebiet und mit mir Tausende weitere Anwohner in Teilen von St. Pauli, Altona und Sternschanze. Das hat die Polizei Hamburg an diesem Wochenende entschieden. Jeder, der hier durchspaziert, einkauft, zur Arbeit will oder einfach einen Kaffee trinken möchte, muss damit rechnen, von der Polizei angehalten zu werden und sich auszuweisen—ohne Grund, einfach weil sie es dürfen. Schuld sind wiederholte Angriffe auf Polizisten, heftige Krawalle während großen Demos sowie Attacken auf Polizeireviere, wie etwa die Davidwache am Kiez, in den vergangenen Wochen.

Ein Schritt vor die Tür und ich stehe mitten drin im Gefahrengebiet. Hier soll der Ausnahmezustand herrschen.

Ein kühles Lüftchen weht mir um die Nase, ein paar feuchte Blätter und matschiger Silvesterdreck liegen hier rum. Das einzige, was ich höre, ist die Straße und die übliche Geräuschkulisse des Hafens, in dem Container gelöscht werden. Keine Parolen, keine Sirenen, keine Knaller oder Ähnliches. Ich fühle mich weder gefährlich noch gefährdet. Vielleicht muss ich mich ein wenig durch das Viertel bewegen, um etwas zu erleben.

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Good Year

Goodyear bosses taken hostage in France

French workers at Goodyear tyre plant take bosses captive

Workers in Amiens take two managers hostage at plant billed for closure in bid to keep factory open or win ‘enormous’ pay-offs…. The “kidnapping” was carried out at the Goodyear plant in north Amiens that was at the centre of an international spat a year ago after an American businessman called the workers there lazy...”We’ve lost all legal means of recourse, so now we’re changing tack.”...[]

On the logic of French bossnappings, see the classic article from SIC 1:

How one can still put forward demands when no demands can be satisfied. On the desperate struggles in France:

What is interesting in these struggles is thus not the fact that they would constitute the seeds of a new workers’ movement, but rather that they indicate what present-day struggles are confronting in restructured capitalism. Faced with the news that their factory is to be closed down, the workers have not sought to re-initiate production under self-management. Far from considering their workplace as something they would want to reappropriate, they have taken it as a target. Their class belonging no longer forms the basis of a workers’ identity on which one could build a new society. The proletarians cannot escape their class belonging, but in their struggles they experience it as a wall that stands in front of them. Going beyond this limit would mean abolishing oneself as a class while at the same time abolishing all other classes: communisation.

– Jeanne Neton and Peter Åström, August 2010

Moscow, January 1st, 2019


An evening, sometime in the near future…

Simon Critchley


26 Kadashevskaya nab. 115035 Moscow

January 1st, 2019

I guess we could all have seen it coming a few years back. Things really started to get worse around the end of 2013 and then dragged on into the long, cold winter months. That whole business with that guy, what was his name? Mountain in Wales. Snowden. That’s it. He went underground for a while and then emerged as the CEO of Bozhe Moi! (My God!): the amazing Russian search engine that overtook Google early in 2017. Totally wiped them out. I find it reassuringly old world and Le Carré-like to have the FSB watching all of us rather than the NSA.

Shortly after the President’s death, events moved fast. Well, suspicions were raised when they declared it accidental. Everyone knew it was suicide. He lost face (and faith) after that awful video circulated. You all know the one I mean. That was just after the attempted toppling of 1WTC. Why did they build that thing? It looked like a huge robot schlong. It was lucky that only a couple of hundred people died in the rogue drone strike, but the building’s been empty  – cursed – since then, apart from a shelter for the homeless on the ground floors. The city began to go bankrupt after whatshisname, Di Blasio, was unable to raise taxes to pay for all the damage from the great storm of summer 2016. That was when the BBB movement (“Bring Back Bloomberg”) really got momentum. It turned out that people missed his bad Spanish at those press conferences. He’s been in power for a year now, even bringing back everyone’s pal, Ray Kelly. It’s just like old times.

Biden governed heroically, if ineffectively, until they called an early election due to the state of emergency. But he was never going to beat Chris Christie, particularly after Hilary had to pull out of the primaries because of that scandal with Anthony Weiner’s ex-wife. God that guy really embraced new technology. I think he’s still serving time. Chris Christie was a surprisingly popular president. It was like being governed by Tony Soprano. People love a benevolent despot. But I guess we weren’t surprised when the heart attack happened. He was inspecting the Acela line to Boston after it had been destroyed by floodwaters.

President Rubio has been in power for over a year now. He looks the very picture of health, glowing like the self-satisfied Miami sun when he speaks. Obamacare has been fully repealed, the rather minimal tax increases on the rich have been reversed, the federal budget has been slashed (his “War on Debt” campaign), and Rubio plans to implement the NRA’s proposal to arm all schoolkids. That’s equality. Everyone gets a gun. People seem to feel safer that way. Or they just stopped caring after that horrific school shooting in Greenport: the sixth one last year. I mean, who’s counting, right?

The truth is that national politics no longer seems to matter. Neither does the state. Cosmos is the new 1% international political force, set up by Jamie Dimon and other senior business figures from across the world. Its radical plan is to abandon all states and national borders and establish an independent league of mega-cities (initially New York, Shanghai, London, Tokyo, Mumbai, Moscow, but many others want to join) with its own police force and border agents. They’ve already begun to issue passports. It comes free when you sign up for their premium credit card. I have one here in my wallet. It has their catchy motto engraved on the titanium: “The world is ours. Make it yours”. They were initially called “The League of Rootless Cosmopolitans”. But they shortened their name: like the magazine, like the drink. The only political imperative was how to preserve the patina of liberalism while maintaining existing levels of inequality. Unsurprisingly, this is not that hard. It turns out that this is what we had anyway. A large proportion of the funding base for the Democratic Party has evaporated. Bozhe Moi ! is also a big funder of the Cosmos party. Secession from their various states is expected to begin this year.

After the whole Google glasses debacle and the copycat suicides where people filmed their own deaths while wearing them, huge amounts of money were spent on lawsuits and the program was abandoned. Capital was poured into the development of what was called “inner space research.” There were various plans to insert probes under the skin at the wrist in order to internalize search functions with fingertip control. They also tried to develop an ultra-gossamer type mask where computer and skin surface would meet and merge. They called it “2 Skin”. It also failed. As did the plan to insert implants in the retina. The stroke of genius at Bozhe Moi! was realizing that the search engine and the whole apparatus could be run from a customized pair of headphones. People really like headphones. It turns out that there is still a huge difference between what you are prepared to stick in your eyes and your ears. I’m wearing mine right now to talk to you. The translate function means that everyone can speak any language they wish which is what I do here in Moscow. Rosetta Stone is already a distant memory.

Of course, we knew that the rise of Bozhe Moi! was a soft authoritarian takeover. Old-fashioned leftists would proclaim that the promised means of our emancipation (the internet circa 1996. Remember that?) had merely shackled us more tightly in virtual servitude. Boring! I mean we read Foucault too when it still mattered.  But the truth was that people didn’t really care about their privacy. Not really. Not even the Germans.

Wars came and went in the Middle East, huge populations were displaced and innocent civilians were killed. Business as usual. The pieces moved slightly on the global chessboard and then moved again. We stopped caring, particularly after the big broadcast networks began to fold – CNN was first. We knew less and less about world, particularly after all those attacks on BBC journalists. But life was just fine here. There is still no two-state or one-state solution in Israel and settlements are still being built. After the attacks on Iran following their nuclear tests, the Ayatollahs even took out a new fatwa on Salman Rushdie and one on Bono too, after he was involved in that hit musical about the Iranian Revolution. But I think they both still go to parties.

I guess the weirdest changes have been around sex. The omnipresence of the highest quality 3D pornography, combined with “sensorium” patches that went on sale in 2015, effectively killed it off. Together with the first cases of a fatal testicular cancer caused by a variant of the HPV virus that was said to be in 90% of the sexually active young male population. That got their attention.

This led to two trends. A sudden vogue, that summer, for reckless, public sex: in buses, parks, sidewalks, subways, everywhere. It became a kind of display of political indifference or even resistance among the poor, but it was picked up and imitated by a lot of college kids. They call themselves the “League of Lovers” or LOL as way of mocking the Cosmos. There continue to be many arrests and an African-American couple was shot last weekend for refusing to stop making love in Prospect Park. Not so much “Stop and Frisk” as “Stopping Friskiness.”

The other trend – less numerous, but much more influential – was the Cenobite movement, where people would pay significant amounts of money to live together but in such a way that they could remain apart and not constitute any kind of threat to each other. The first one was founded outside Warren, Vermont a few years back. But they have spread all across Vermont, New Hampshire and Upstate New York. After electing to withdraw from the world – what they call anachoreisis – each Cenobite is given an “anchorhold” where they can stay safe and warm with their devices and sleep. Any participation in public events is optional, but with the right use of a wonderful new anxiety medication called Atarax, cenobites are able to be together socially and even main eye contact without looking at their devices for up to two minutes. For fear of contagion, celibacy is the rule in all cenobite groups. This did not extend to masturbation, of course. That would have taken things too far.

People incapable of even this degree of social activity or who could not bear to be disconnected from their devices began to gather outside the Cenobite communities in more extreme group. They began to be called “Hamlet camps” or the “Inkies” after their customized black clothing, that was something between sports clothing and a Beneditcine habit. The sign up fee is prohibitively high in order to pay for the private police force and guarantee exclusivity. But I hear that some of the “Inkies” are beginning to produce some really high-level electronic music.

New York City began to feel too much like Alexandria in the late fourth century and I decided to get out when the right job offer came through. I’ve been living in this hotel in Moscow for the last 6 months working for a contemporary art space funded by one of oligarchs behind the Cosmos. It’s alright. The Russians make a generic version of Atarax and I have a bodyguard and a driver. But I stay in the hotel most of the time as it’s too dangerous to go out. Oh, happy new year.

soviet baby

Disclaimer from the League of Rootless Cosmopolitans:

This rag from Comrade Critchley has not one shred of truth contained within its bowels. The League of Rootless Cosmopolitans, a fine organization of lumpenbourgeois entrepeneurs, is not the 1%. The 1% are our enemies; we are the 0.1%, the devante-garde of humanity. We have embraced the values of full communism, albeit of the meritocratic sort. Our politics are simple: once you devour your competitors, you have the right to enjoy the spoils of mankind without charge or limit. We are the true heirs of Blanqui, Lenin, Debord, and Steve Jobs. We despise work, we love drinking, and the party comes before all. Our party is international, interracial, intersexual, interwoven interstitially in interesting intersubjective intercourse interminably in situ.

Marx was right, labor is the enemy of all who desire a realm of seamless freedom. But not all deserve such leisure. We value the machinery of mankind, the robotic testicles of production that have engendered our endless stream of goods, that have saved us from the wretched toil of the service industry, that have united north and south, east and west, rich and poor in one giant ovary of happiness. Even words like “work”, “job,” “labor”, and “toil” make little sense in our new economic system which The Economist-Vice© magazine has appropriately labeled Freedomism.

Our cybernetic meadows, where mammals and computers live together in mutually programming harmony like pure water touching clear sky, dot the valleys of former cities. Our cybernetic forests filled with pines and electronics, where deer stroll peacefully past computers as if they were flowers with spinning blossoms, litter the highways of former nations. This cybernetic ecology, where we are free of our labors, and joined back to nature, returned to our mammal brothers and sisters and watched over by machines of loving grace, has been a blessing for all who can afford it.

America, that former crucible of spirit, that rose in the dung of the present, birthed many an ideology to get us here. The experience of representative liberal democracy taught us the true meaning of the word liberty: phlegmatic. Ruled by a dictatorship of process, liberal democracy’s indifference to human content allowed for our cosmological rise from the ashes of the first cyberwar. States, those reckless mafias, those war-mongering rackets, those debt-hungry cartels are finally on the way out of human history. Thanks in no small part to us, of course, the League of Rootless Cosmopolitans, heir to both the 1st Workers International and the WTO. Governments of the past left us with intractable conflicts over resources, lands, and all other sorts of fecal matter that we care less than nothing about. The reproduction and safety of individuals’ lives has been solved without any need to leave one’s property, ever. Our freedomist lifestyle is no longer burdened by archaic practices like “taxes,” “voting,” or “welfare.” The former-Russia’s meteoric rise to multiracial reich of the rich has put to rest any more talk of “social” democracy as the endpoint of progress. On the contrary, it was the last hurdle of pre-history.

Bozhe Moi! has liberated humankind from the weight of memory. Who would have thought that remembering things was the cause of so much suffering, evil, pain, and harm? The technological relief that the Bozhe Moi! self-search engine allows has eliminated feelings of stress, depression, anxiety, and even fever. Our League, along with the support of Bozhe Moi!, plans on finally ending the primitive method of communicative action called war in the next 10-15 years. By instituting a 1:1 drone to person charity program, everyone can be protected in his or her own privacy from others. The right to pursue happiness will reach its zenith with us. The Cosmos Art program, generously supported by the Tate Postmodern, the Banksy Institute, and the Relational Aesthetes Capital Investment Club, seeks to fund new sensory experiences for the micropleasures of the methodologically individual soul. All these exciting developments are happening right now, sponsored by us, and still there are those who doubt our munificence.

Traitor Critchley mentions two groups that he claims are forms of resistance to our orgiastic society. But the Cenobites and the League of Lovers are mere detritus from the wreckage of freedom. These modern stoics and epicureans are flies on the windshields of progress. Hamlet camps and LOLers are as reactionary as the Luddites, the anti-globalists, and the marriagizers. Snowden and Assange showed the way out for everyone: once we free ourselves from the need to hide anything, then all of us are united in the great spectacle of truth. 

As one of our heroes once said about the pre-Cosmos era, “Images detached from every aspect of life merge into a common stream, and the former unity of life is lost forever.” We are that unity of life you were looking for, that image reattached to its source, that I who is we and we who is I. The World is ours. Make it yours.

All we want for christmas


Another Day, Another Riot

Hamburg, Dec 21st, 2013. Rota Flora, Esso, Lampedusa.


Recent struggles reflect the two basic aspects of the process that produces the revolution of the current period: first, the delegitimization of demands, i.e. demanding is converted into a component of the reproduction of classes, which tends to be marginalized and suppressed, and second, the internal distance produced between proletarian practices in the evolution of class struggle. These two aspects of class struggle are produced in every zone of capital despite all their differences, and is imposed by the objectivity of capital, the economy. We may risk the prediction that we are entering into an era of riots, which will be transitional and extremely violent.  It will define the reproduction crisis of the proletariat, and thus of capitalism, as an important structural element of the following period. By ‘riots’ we mean struggles for demands or struggles without demands that will take violent forms and will transform the urban environments into areas of unrest; the riots are not revolution, even the insurgency is not revolution, although it may be the beginning of a revolution. The internal distance between proletarian practices aggravates all social contradictions and creates a self-reinforcing process of growing conflicts that includes more and more categories of the working class and the intensification of State repression. The particularity of this ‘era’ is that the dynamics of the struggle cannot produce stable results. In any case, the struggles of the proletarians will inevitably reproduce the opponent class and their own class existence as a class of proletarians. The limit of these struggles, now, is the fact that they are class struggles. The only guarantee to overcome this limit is a practical attack against capital, which is identical with the attack on the very existence of the proletarian class.

The Transitional Phase of the Crisis: the era of riots, Blaumachen 2011


One can today be a railway worker, yesterday unemployed, tomorrow a precarious worker, and the day after that a squatter or undocumented immigrant. Activism is the permanent ‘What is to be done?’ in an era where everything that constituted workers’ identity has vanished. It is a permanent ‘What is to be done?’ which no longer has the mediation between the particular struggles and the general existence of the class, that is to say, the workers’ identity and/or the (existing or to be built) Party, nor the maturation of the class. In all these definitions, there was, generally speaking, a ‘being’ of the proletariat to be revealed, whether this ‘being’ was explicit in its political, trade union, or institutional mediations or impeded by them. This generality of the proletariat implies that all particularities are nothing more than contingencies, accidents.

Caught without mediation in between the general and the particular, activism is a set of tactics that is always unsatisfied with both itself and anyone else (until the next action). As essentially tactics, activism functions like a tool box: generalisation of the action, overcoming of the categorial demands, self-organisation of the struggle, refusal of mediations, autonomy, etc. Consequently, if it is not definitive, it is a strong tendency: activism is normative. Action is then constructed as a question, i.e. as an intervention. The construction of this question makes an abstraction of the diversity of activities: Practice as an abstraction. The question of intervention transforms what is done (or what cannot be done) in this or that struggle—practices which are always particular—into an abstraction of practice. It justifies itself by fabricating a dilemma: intervention or waitism.

The Movement Against the French Pension Reform, R.S., Sic 2 (forthcoming)


The era of riots is at the same time the dynamic and the limit of class struggle in the current conjuncture, namely the production of class belonging as an external constraint in the face of the inability of class struggle to conclude its class dynamic and produce a renewed position of proletarian power. It is only a transitory phase in the development of this contradiction (the contradiction between classes in the current cycle of struggles) that seeks a resolution. As the crisis progresses, the proletariat struggles for its reproduction as a class and at the same time is confronted with its own reproduction (class belonging) externalised as a constraint in capital, i.e. it struggles at the same time for and against its own reproduction. The generalisation of the struggle is not posed today as class unity (under the wings of a central figure), because for the proletariat being and acting as a class only means being a part of capital and reproducing itself as such (together with the opponent class). There is no ground for a revolutionary affirmation of class belonging, no workers’ identity or proletarian community, and there is nothing to be liberated, no craftsmanship or human nature. In an environment that produces surplus populations and violently attacks the historically defined value of labour power, anchoring on the wage relation is lost together with the ability to demand better living standards.

The much-anticipated Subject loses the ground beneath its feet. The ephemeral ‘us’ of the rioters, this transient subject of destructive practices that appears momentarily only to rapidly dissolve, is the impossibility of a permanence of the Subject (the impossibility to imagine the revolution as the result of an ‘accumulation’ or overgrowth of riots). In the differentiated character of the crisis of proletarian reproduction, the crisis of the stratification of the proletariat, each part is struggling to defend its respective level of reproduction (its position on the social ladder) while they are all pushed downwards. This makes the issue of the generalisation of the struggle an issue of conflictual encounter between different practices. This is revealed in all the cases of riots invading movements.

The Feral Underclass Hits the Streets, Rocamadur/Blaumachen, Sic 2 (forthcoming)

חֵטְא הַעֵגֶּל


Inhale, exhale
Forward, back
Living, dying:
Arrows, let flown each to
Meet midway and slice
The void in aimless flight

Thus I return to the

Surplus of the World, Unite!


Je größer der gesellschaftliche Reichtum, das funktionierende Kapital, Umfang und Energie seines Wachstums, also auch die absolute Größe des Proletariats und die Produktivkraft seiner Arbeit, desto größer die industrielle Reservearmee. Die disponible Arbeitskraft wird durch dieselben Ursachen entwickelt wie die Expansivkraft des Kapitals. Die verhältnismäßige Größe der industriellen Reservearmee wächst also mit den Potenzen des Reichtums. Je größer aber diese Reservearmee im Verhältnis zur aktiven Arbeiterarmee, desto massenhafter die konsolidierte Übervölkerung, deren Elend im umgekehrten Verhältnis zu ihrer Arbeitsqual steht. Je größer endlich die Lazarusschichte der Arbeiterklasse und die industrielle Reserve-armee, desto größer der offizielle Pauperismus. Dies ist das absolute, allgemeine Gesetz der kapitalistischen Akkumulation.

The greater the social wealth, the functioning capital, the extent and energy of its growth, and therefore also the greater the absolute mass of the proletariat and the productivity of its labour, the greater is the industrial reserve army. The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, also develop the labour-power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army thus increases with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this reserve army, the greater is the mass of a consolidated surplus population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to the amount of torture it has to undergo in the form of labour. The more extensive, finally, the lazarus-layers of the working class, and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation.

– Marx, Capital, vol.1 (MECW 35), p. 638.

Blow up as far as the destruction of our actions



There might be someone who lives and seen a reflection that almost all of the internet consists of certain duties in the house of his property under the class ” destructive , . ” In this case , perhaps, the collapse of the past , and the heavier the attack , the better your chances of representing the offenders .
He knows that one and ruin a sign : place. And there is only one operation , defense . Will and the open air , is stronger than hate .
And a little boy and damaging their behavior with a light heart . Blow up as far as the destruction of our actions, in time, by anyone who says he is glad to reduce or destroy all roots of his own condition. It is indeed possible to be completely alone see the world as evidence , from a pure merit leads to destruction , the destruction of man , the Apollonian picture . And I believe one is a complex , which is a big win . This is the vision that he would immediately destroy me , it gives an example of the high line with this .
In the way of thy testimonies , was very happy about as harmful to the character of the work . It is natural that dictates his tempo, indirectly at least , to prevent . Otherwise , it will fail .
Is a curse , not seeing an image of the character , do you believe his eyes . Stand in need of , and instead cut off , to know what is useless. In the first place , for a time , a void – or something where the victim was . It is certain that it was the work space without inhabitant.
Harmful , because it has the character of the office unless job creation and fled . It seems wilderness , surrounded by witnesses spoiler effectiveness .
To harmful behavior. Only trigonometric to the target exposed to wind from all sides , and the other reveals to us . To protect yourself less.
You do not understand the destructive character . Shortly efforts. It could be you . But it caused her , his words harmful , it is the memorial is set . The most minute of all the bourgeois whispers of the things they want, because there is no other to be misunderstood . And harmful character he suffers not raised by reputation .
As the enemy of a rogue – to handle. If a man looking for comfort , and the excellence of it . Inner velvet pillow with a trace of the car . And what a plague destroying the future should also be the songs .
These harmful conflict with the nature of the verse will be. What do we have followed , it will pass over untouchable , and so on for the other cases , such as step by step those things to use . This is dangerous .
The obviously harmful to the human conscience is the deepest feelings and lack of confidence , in fact , he knows everything is always an insurmountable incompetent mistakes . Let faith is the same that destroyed it .
The destructive behavior or stable. But the fact that he was the way of each quarter . Where all things , mountains , walls , and see it in the way. But because he was in a certain way all things , so that in him all things clean. This is not always the power and sometimes refined . At all costs , because he sees , is always the streets . What can carry , and the next . That is , there is no – cement , but that that way .
The wicked man ‘s life Worthing sense of the life of the natural life , but not worth it.

Die sie meinen/Freedom as they know it


Die Menschen haben den Begriff der Freiheit so manipuliert, daß er schließlich auf das Recht des Stärkeren und Reicheren herausläuft, dem Schwächeren und Ärmeren das wenige abzunehmen, was er noch hat. Der Versuch, daran etwas zu ändern, gilt als schmählicher Eingriff ins Bereich eben der Individualität, die aus der Konsequenz jener Freiheit in ein verwaltetes Nichts zergangen ist. Aber der objektive Geist der Sprache weiß es besser. Das Deutsche und Englische behält das Wort frei Dingen und Leistungen vor, die nichts kosten. Unabhängig von der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie wird damit Zeugnis abgelegt von der Unfreiheit, die im Tauschverhältnis selber gesetzt ist; es gibt keine Freiheit, solange ein jedes Ding seinen Preis hat, und in der verdinglichten Gesellschaft existieren als kümmerliche Rudimente der Freiheit nur Dinge, die vom Preismechanismus ausgenommen sind. Sieht man dann genauer hin, so findet sich freilich meist, daß auch sie ihren Preis haben und Zugaben sind zu den Waren oder wenigstens zur Herrschaft: die Parks machen denen die Gefängnisse erträglich, die nicht drin sind. Für Menschen von freiem, ungezwungenem, souveränem und legerem Wesen jedoch, für jene, die die Freiheit als Privileg von der Unfreiheit beziehen, hat die Sprache einen guten Namen bereit: den des Unverschämten.

People have so manipulated the concept of freedom that it finally boils down to the right of the stronger and richer to take from the weaker and poorer whatever they still have. Attempts to change this are seen as shameful intrusions into the realm of the very individuality that by the logic of that freedom has dissolved into an administered void. But the objective spirit of language knows better. German and English reserve the word ‘free’ for things and services which cost nothing. Aside from a critique of political economy, this bears witness to the unfreedom posited in the exchange relationship itself; there is no freedom as long as everything has its price, and in reified society things exempted from the price mechanism exist only as pitiful rudiments. On closer inspection they too are usually found to have their price, and to be handouts with commodities or at least with domination: parks make prisons more endurable to those not in them. For people with a free, spontaneous, serene and nonchalant temper, however, for those who derive freedom as a privilege from unfreedom, language holds ready an apposite name: that of impudence.

Th. Adorno, Messages in a Bottle