by L.A. ONDA
In Los Angeles to be against Capital typically presents itself in a pro-work / worker position. The problem is never work itself, the nature of work or that work is waged but instead what is desired is extending a sphere of work that is unionized and bolstered with higher wages. Take for instance the CLEAN Carwash campaign, where carwash workers (whom are mostly immigrant men) have been unionized under the representation of United Steelworkers Local 675. Though this move one is that brings much needed betterment of working conditions and wages for these workers, what is ultimately not brought up is that the work of a car wash workers can and has already been automated. But of course the fading labour movement is not concerned with the overthrow of capitalism and abolition of work at all. That dream is a dream that has been lost along with the labour movement.
The expression of an anti-work position has either been minoritarian or unheard of. In a city where working conditions for immigrants can be well below the legal standards set forth by the State and the Federal Government, the push for more protections and rights within the workplace takes on precedence. An anti-work affect (rather than a bonafide position) among Mexican immigrants and / or Mexican-Americans is usually to be found in cultural forms and do not often take on explicit anti-political, or anti-capitalist forms. Whereas the playful and tongue-in-cheek cultural forms are plentiful, the other mentioned forms are few and far in between.
ANTI-WORK / ANTI-CAPITALIST : AN INTRODUCTION
My first encounter with an explicit anti-work position came from Chican@ friends who I had met in 2001 who were heavily-influenced by the French Marxist theorist Guy Debord and the Situationist International. In 1953, a young Guy Debord painted on a wall on the Rue de Seine « NE TRAVAILLEZ JAMAIS » (tr. Never Work). A statement that was difficult for me to understand conceptually at the time but which I immediately gravitated towards. Hitherto, all the anarchist literature I had read on work concerned themselves with how wage labor was theft of our time & of our labor power and that the solution was not the abolition of work per se but worker self-management. [Think of all the nostalgia that some Left-Anarchists have for the revolution lost by the anarcho-syndicalists during the Spanish Civil War.]
Growing up in a Mexican household where what was prized was the opportunity to find well-paying work and as well as reverence of a hearty work ethic, this was a scandalous position. Though the starting point for Guy Debord opposition to a world of work was not a beatnik, bohemian lifestyle refusal common to the 1950s but rather a rejection of the bleariness of life under capitalism and part of a whole project to overthrow The Spectacle and make life a joyous affair once again.
The critique of work can be found elsewhere throughout history including Paul Lafargue’s “The Right to be Lazy”(1883) written by Karl Marx’s son-in-law, in the notorious post-left Anarchist Bob Black’s “The Abolition of Work”(1985) and Gille Dauve’s “Eclipse & Re-Emergence of the Communist Movement” (1970) where he clarifies what the abolition of work could mean and says “what we want is the abolition of work as an activity separate from the rest of life.” He later would explain that the issue at hand is not that we do or not do things, but that under capitalism what we do is often made confused by wage labor. We assume only those things paid a wage have value and that only those things which are productive are necessary to human life.
In communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic.
Turning and turning in the widening gyre
The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Surely some revelation is at hand;
Surely the Second Coming is at hand.
The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out
When a vast image out of Spiritus Mundi
Troubles my sight: a waste of desert sand;
A shape with lion body and the head of a man,
A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,
Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it
Wind shadows of the indignant desert birds.
The darkness drops again but now I know
That twenty centuries of stony sleep
Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,
And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?
[Once upon a time in land far, far away, Brooklyn circa 2011, some communists in situ realized that both the standard and radical versions of the Passover Haggadah were very stupid. So they decided to make their own communist version for their Seder. The following Haggadah is the first time this is being published online. It follows all the traditional 15 steps for easy use, but each section has its own rifts within. Follow at your own risk. Chag sameach and remember, next year in Diaspora!]
update 2018: new RED SEDER
A Communist Haggadah for the Passover Seder
compiled by Jacob, Danielle & Scott
April 18th, 2011 Brooklyn
The Seder Plate:
Maror – Bitter Herbs: Representative of the harshness of our wage slavery.
Karpas – Green Vegetable: Representative of the spring season, the swerve, and the possibility of new growth including the welcoming of new comrades and friends, and the strengthening of friendships already consummated.
Charoset – Mixture of Fruit and Nuts: Representative of how the material means of production, the mortar for the bricks, is also our material means of reproduction.
Beitzah – Egg: Representative of the possibility of new forms of life and not simply new life as such. It is the symbol of the future, after the swerve, after the rupture, after the flood, what-have-you. It is an affirmative form of life, life for life’s-sake, not for the sake of life alone.
Zeroa – Lamb Bone: The lamb bone is representative of three ideas: 1) It is a instrument of marking, a way of understanding our comradeship as the ancient Hebrews understood theirs. Through this we may understand who is with us, who our comrades are, who our fellow travelers are. While our numbers may be small, our intentions are significant. 2) As an instrument of marking, it gives us great caution and great hope. It represents the danger of marking one as with/against us, but also the possibility of spreading the knowledge that we are privileged to have achieved with the aid of our comrades. Finally, 3) it is a symbol of sacrifice and death, of what is left behind. Of the endings that precede new beginnings, of the drawing closer between us, of our alliance’s rebellion against the powers of capitalism’s decree for formal, material, productivity.
BAH-ROOCH AH-TAH AH-DOH-NOI EH-LOH-HEH-NOO MEH-LECH HAH-OH-LAHM AH-SHER KEE-DEH-SHAH-NOO BEH-MITZ-VOH-TAHV VEH-TZEE-VAH-NOO LEH-HAD-LEEK NER SHEL YOHM TOHV.
The 15 steps:
There are four mandatory cups of wine on Passover, spaced out over the course of the Seder. One interpretation of them is that they signify God’s four promises of liberation to the Israelites. Since God died in the 19th century, and since there were probably no Israelites in Egypt, nor an exodus, we will interpret the four cups as representing the four cardinal virtues required for the revolution in the present moment.
The first cup signifies the virtue of Friendship.
הַגָפֶןפְּרִי בּוֹרֵא הָעוֹלָםמֶלֶךְ אֱלֹהֵינוּ יי אַתָּה בָּרוּךְ
Baruch atah adonai elohaynu melech ha’olam borei p’ri hagafen
We pass a bowl of water around the table; each person pours water over their neighbor’s hands, helping them wash.
3. Karpas – We dip a green vegetable in salt water. We take a bite. We discard the rest.
The salt water on our table traditionally represents the tears of the Israelite slaves. The green vegetable usually represents the possibility of new growth. This year, let the salt water remind us of our own wage-slavery, and let the green vegetable remind us of the emancipatory potential, the swerves within it.
הָאֲדָמָה פְּרִי בּוֹרֵא הָעוֹלָםמֶלֶךְ אֱלֹהֵינוּ יי אַתָּה בָּרוּךְ
Barukh atah adonai, eloheinu melekh ha’olam borei p’ri ha’adamah
4.Yachatz – Breaking the middle matzah.
We break the matzah into two pieces, and hide one half, called the Afikomen. The Afikomen represents the rupture that we seek with the current state of things. This rupture, this break, comes from within the traditions we have, and yet hidden from them as well.
“From struggles over immediate demands to revolution, there can only be a rupture, a qualitative leap. But this rupture isn’t a miracle. Neither is it the simple realisation on the part of the proletariat that there is nothing else to be done other than making the revolution, given the failure of everything else. “Revolution is the only solution” is just as inept as talk of the revolutionary dynamic of demands-based struggles. This rupture is produced positively by the unfolding of the cycle of struggles which precedes it, and we can say that it still forms a part of it. This rupture is prefigured in the multiplication of swerves within the class struggle between, on the one hand, the calling into question by the proletariat of its own existence as a class in its contradiction with capital and, on the other hand, the reproduction of capital which is implied by the very fact of the proletariat’s existence as a class. The concept of the swerve designates the dynamic of this cycle of struggles, which exists in an empirically verifiable manner.” [Theorie communiste]
We exist in this rupture.
Der Berliner Innensenator Frank Henkel und Polizeipräsident Klaus Kandt können zufrieden sein. Die Räumung des Flüchtlingscamp auf dem Kreuzberger Oranienplatz erfolgte ohne die befürchteten Ausschreitungen und Krawalle und vor allem ohne dass Polizisten auf Geflüchtete einschlagen mussten. Die Flüchtlinge haben ihre Zelte selbst abgerissen—zumindest teilweise. Die heutige Aktion könnte als Lehrstück dienen für zukünftige Fragen, wie man eine Protestbewegung langsam zermürbt und schlussendlich kampfunfähig macht.
In aller Herrgottsfrühe machte sich heute Morgen gegen sechs Uhr eine Gruppe von Flüchtlingen auf, die selbstgezimmerten Hütten auf dem Platz abzureißen. Bewaffnet mit Hämmern, Brecheisen und Messern zerstörten sie nach und nach alle Zelte und Behausungen, egal ob die jeweiligen Bewohnern den Platz verlassen wollten oder nicht. Dabei kam es zu extremen Spannungen zwischen den Bewohnern untereinander, wobei diejenigen, die den Abriss vorantrieben, extrem gewaltbereit wirkten.
Es wurden Messer gezogen und mit den mitgebrachten Werkzeugen gedroht. Immer wieder kam es zu Handgreiflichkeiten. Die anwesenden Unterstützerinnen und Unterstützer standen vor dem Problem, dass sie nicht, wie erwartet, der Polizei gegenüber standen, sondern jenen Menschen, die sie eigentlich unterstützen wollten. Letztendlich ist es sogar ihnen zu verdanken gewesen, dass Schlimmeres verhindert werden konnte. Von der Polizei fehlte bis zum späteren Nachmittag jede Spur.
Das Geschehen des heutigen Tages ist das Ergebnis eines taktischen Vorgehens, das schon vor Monaten einsetzte. Dilek Kolat, Integrationsministerin von Berlin, erklärte sich im Januar bereit, das Problem Oranienplatz zu lösen. Zu diesem Zweck lud sie zu einem runden Tisch und empfing mehrere Delegationen aus dem Flüchtlingscamp. Als klar wurde, dass die Geflüchteten höchst unterschiedliche Ausgangslagen und Ansprüche stellten, begann Kolat, sukzessive gewisse Gesprächspartner auszuschließen und andere zu bevorzugen. Gegen Ende konzentrierte sie sich auf die Gruppe der sogenannten Lampedusa-Flüchtlinge, die im Gegensatz zu anderen Asylsuchenden gültige italienische Papiere haben, denen sie aber Geldzahlungen, eine Unterkunft und eine Duldung versprach—immerhin für ganze sechs Monate.
Den anderen Flüchtlingsaktivisten war dieses Angebot zu wenig, da in dem vorgelegten Kompromisspapier auch keinerlei Garantien gegeben werden konnten, außer dem Versprechen auf eine wohlwollende Einzelfallprüfung. Trotz allem gelang es Kolat, einen Teil der Flüchtlinge zu überzeugen, den Kompromiss anzunehmen, ein Umstand, der die Bewegung zutiefst spaltete. Hinzu kamen noch Streitigkeiten um die Verwendung von Spendengeldern, wobei auch hier wiederum die Lampedusa-Gruppe schwere Anschuldigungen gegen Flüchtlingsaktivisten und Unterstützer erhob.
Geld sei veruntreut worden, Geld, das die Bewohner des Oranienplatzes dringend bräuchten, zumindest dringender als die politische Bewegung. Die ursprünglichen Forderungen—Abschaffung der Residenzpflicht, Abschaffung der Lagerunterbringung, Stop aller Abschiebungen—traten immer weiter in den Hintergrund. Nicht von der Hand zu weisen ist allerdings, dass die Spendenbereitschaft der Berliner Bevölkerung und die Solidarität mit dem Refugee-Camp über die letzten Monate hinweg immer weiter nachließ, so dass zuletzt kein Essen mehr ausgegeben werden konnte und die Bewohner des Camps nicht mehr wussten, wie sie überleben sollten. All diese Faktoren führten letztendlich zu einer Gemengelage, in der ein paar Refugees im Angebot des Senats nun also einen Strohhalm zu sehen glauben, der ihnen die Chance auf ein würdiges Leben zu bieten scheint. Für diese Chance gingen sie dann also heute morgen los und demolierten ihre Hütten und die der Anderen.
Wenn Menschen in ihrer Verzweiflung alles tun, um ihre Situation zu verbessern, so ist das eine Sache. Wenn die Politik allerdings diese Menschen instrumentalisiert und gegen andere Menschen in der gleichen Situation aufhetzt, dann ist das perfide. Menschen, die mit extremen Gewalterfahrungen traumatisiert sind, über Stunden ihrem eigenen Schicksal zu überlassen und mit Waffen aufeinander losgehen zu lassen, ist mehr als nur fahrlässig.
Bei jeder mittleren bis größeren Schlägerei ist spätestens nach fünf Minuten die Polizei da. Heute bedrohten sich auf dem Berliner Oranienplatz Menschen mit Stahlrohren und Messern, ohne dass auch nur ein Ordnungshüter in Uniform erschien. Schlussendlich tauchte die Polizei gegen 15 Uhr auf, um die letzten verbliebenen Aktivisten auf dem Oranienplatz zu räumen. Weiträumig wurde der Platz abgesperrt, so dass niemand mehr ins Innere der Absperrungen gelangen konnte. In nur 20 Minuten wurden sämtliche Sitzblockaden aufgelöst und die letzten 200 Protestierenden vom Platz entfernt.
Das Refugee-Camp auf dem Oranienplatz scheint nun vorerst Geschichte zu sein. Der Kampf wird allerdings fortgesetzt werden, versicherten Aktivisten, und bis in die frühe Abendstunden hielten sich auch noch die letzten fünf Demonstranten auf einem Baum, den sie am Nachmittag besetzt hatten.
Strikes at Lufthansa, strikes in bus services, trash collectors, bus drivers, teachers and nurses, and strikes at Amazon. Deutschland, was ist los?
Ver.di, the mass service workers union, is organizing these strikes, taking advantage of Germany’s position right now in Europe, its low unemployment rate, its labor laws. Their slogan is “Wir sind es wert.” It means “We are worth it.” But are we? At the same time, german ministers are discussing making a law that would deport eu-citizens who are unemployed after 3 months back to their country of origin. Unlike most countries in europe and north america, germany has had no popular squares movement of youth and disaffected proles, no wild riots of the poor, no nothing. Instead, some good old strikes for higher wages with moderate success. Whereas in other countries, mass protests and occupations occur while the country’s economy stays mostly unaffected, in germany the economy is directly targeted, shutting down airlines, bus services, logistics centers, yet there are no mass movements to amplify it. When klassenkampf extends these strikes to society at large, then we’d be really es wert.
Communism means the end of a series of mediations which were previously necessary (in spite of the misery they entailed) to accumulate enough past labour to enable humans to do without these mediations. Value is such a mediation: it is now useless to have an element external to social activities to connect and stimulate them. The accumulated productive infrastructure only needs to be transformed and developed. Communism compares use values to decide to develop a given production rather than another one. It does not reduce the components of social life to a common denominator (the average labour time contained in them). Communism organizes its material life on the basis of the confrontation and interplay of needs – which does not exclude conflicts and even some form of violence. People will not turn into angels: why should they?
Communism is not a set of measures to be put into practice after the seizure of power. It is a movement which already exists, not as a mode of production (there can be no communist island within capitalist society), but as a tendency which originates in real needs. Communism does not even know what value is. The point is not that one fine day a large number of people start to destroy value and profit. All past revolutionary movements were able to bring society to a standstill, and waited for something to come out of this universal stoppage. Communization, on the contrary, will circulate goods without money, open the gate isolating a factory from its neighbourhood, close down another factory where the work process is too alienating to be technically improved, do away with school as a specialized place which cuts off learning from doing for 15 odd years, pull down walls that force people to imprison themselves in 3-room family units – in short, it will tend to break all separations.
The mechanism of the communist revolution is a product of struggles. Their development leads to a time when society forces all individuals whom it leaves with no other perspective to establish new social relations. If a number of social struggles now seem to come to nothing, it is because their only possible continuation would be communism, whatever those who take part in them may now think. Even when workers are just making demands they often come to a point when there is no other solution but a violent clash with the State and its assistants, the unions. In that case, armed struggle and insurrection imply the application of a social programme, and the use of the economy as a weapon. The military aspect, as important as it may be, depends on the social content of the struggle. To be able to defeat its enemies on a military level, the proletariat – whatever its consciousness – transforms society in a communist way.
A young woman living in the town of Chełm had a very strange occurrence. One morning, after buttering a piece of bread she accidentally dropped it on the floor. To her amazement, it fell buttered side up.
As everyone knows, whenever a buttered piece of bread is dropped on the floor, it always falls buttered side down; this is like a law of physics. But on this occasion it had fallen buttered side up, and this was a great mystery which had to be solved. So all the Rabbis and elders and wise men of Chełm were summoned together and they spent three days in the synagogue fasting and praying and debating this marvelous event among themselves. After those three days they returned to the young woman with this answer:
“Madam, the problem is that you have buttered the wrong side of the bread.”
Paul Mattick Jr dropping science
Brandon Jourdan: I can’t really remember—oh, so there was, really, one kind of fun moment for me at the conference in the Q&A, when you were asked: “What do we have to do?”—and so I’m just going to ask you that again.
Paul Mattick: The question was what would I like to see happen—and my answer was the abolition of wage-labor and the destruction of the state, which is of course a kind of a flippant answer. But what I mean to say is that I really think there is no solution to these problems, but one which is as fundamental as that. Now it seems like a weirdly old-fashioned thing to say, but that might just be because of my age, maybe now for many younger people it isn’t old-fashioned anymore: to say, “You really have to get rid of capitalism. Capitalism cannot deal with these problems.” Even if capitalism manages to grow again, I do not think that the economy will be able to grow at a rate which will make possible high enough employment levels to sort of afford lives to people that workers got used to in the developed countries in the 1950s and 60s and even 70s. So I think from the economic point of view, the medium- and long-term perspectives are very bleak, and I think from the ecological point of view, the medium- and long-term perspectives are catastrophic, and there simply is no possibility to get out of this without actually changing the social system.
And that means that you must end the ownership and control of the productive system on which human life depends by that minority of humans who control it, and for whom everybody else has to work if they are lucky enough to be able to do so. There is no way out of it. So that’s why, when somebody said at the conference “But what, short of that, could you do?”, the only thing that I could think of to say was: then you have to try to get a job, because other than that you have to survive as well as you can. Those are the choices: either on an individual basis or on a national basis or a group basis, you know, if you are white people, or men, or Europeans, or Northern Europeans, you can try—maybe you can do better than some other group. Or as a particular individual, you might be able to live better than another individual. So you can try to do as best as you can for yourself as an individual, or you have to somehow, together with other people, fundamentally alter the existing social system. And by alter, I mean really destroy it and create a new system: a system of a radically different type, which would be based on the collective democratic control of the interaction of human beings with nature—that the economists call “production”, but which you could also call the “daily life.”
Verdächtige sollen auch Alexa überfallen haben
Das Muster war immer gleich: Mit einem gestohlenen Auto rasten die Diebe in die Glasfronten von Geschäften und raubten Wertsachen – gern teure Elektronik. Auf diese Weise überfielen Täter zuletzt den Apple Store am Ku’damm. Jetzt hat die Polizei in Sachsen sieben Verdächtige gefasst, auf deren Konto auch Überfälle in Berlin gehen sollen.
Der Blitzeinbruch in den Apple-Laden auf dem Berliner Ku’damm scheint aufgeklärt: Ein Spezialeinsatzkommando der Berliner Polizei fasste in der Nacht zu Mittwoch sieben Männer bei ihrem mutmaßlich neuesten Coup in Dresden.
Nach den bisherigen Ermittlungen hatten die Männer im Alter von 20 bis 26 Jahren gegen 2 Uhr nachts mit einem Ford Galaxy die Glastür zu einem Einkaufszentrum in Dresden-Mickten durchbrochen. Danach fuhren sie bis zur Eingangstür eines Elektrofachmarktes und versuchten, durch das Sicherheitsrollo in die Verkaufsräume zu gelangen.
The wise men of Chelm got together one night to try to solve the problem of life.”What is the problem of life?” they asked, and the more they thought about it the more they knew that the problem of life is that everyone has worries. If people didn’t have any worries, they reasoned then, then life would be easy. So the question remained, how to make an end of worries?
Well they thought, why not hire somebody to do all the worrying so everyone else can have it easy? It would be a tough job, but they would pay the man well to make up for it. So they all agreed to chip in to pay someone 50 rubles a month to do all the town’s worrying for them. Everyone was happy with this decision until someone points out the flaw. “Tell me,” said one of the rabbis, the wisest of them all. “If the man is making 50 rubles a month, what has he got to worry about?”
There might be someone who lives and seen a reflection that almost all of the internet consists of certain duties in the house of his property under the class ” destructive , . ” In this case , perhaps, the collapse of the past , and the heavier the attack , the better your chances of representing the offenders .
He knows that one and ruin a sign : place. And there is only one operation , defense . Will and the open air , is stronger than hate .
And a little boy and damaging their behavior with a light heart . Blow up as far as the destruction of our actions, in time, by anyone who says he is glad to reduce or destroy all roots of his own condition. It is indeed possible to be completely alone see the world as evidence , from a pure merit leads to destruction , the destruction of man , the Apollonian picture . And I believe one is a complex , which is a big win . This is the vision that he would immediately destroy me , it gives an example of the high line with this .
In the way of thy testimonies , was very happy about as harmful to the character of the work . It is natural that dictates his tempo, indirectly at least , to prevent . Otherwise , it will fail .
Is a curse , not seeing an image of the character , do you believe his eyes . Stand in need of , and instead cut off , to know what is useless. In the first place , for a time , a void – or something where the victim was . It is certain that it was the work space without inhabitant.
Harmful , because it has the character of the office unless job creation and fled . It seems wilderness , surrounded by witnesses spoiler effectiveness .
To harmful behavior. Only trigonometric to the target exposed to wind from all sides , and the other reveals to us . To protect yourself less.
You do not understand the destructive character . Shortly efforts. It could be you . But it caused her , his words harmful , it is the memorial is set . The most minute of all the bourgeois whispers of the things they want, because there is no other to be misunderstood . And harmful character he suffers not raised by reputation .
As the enemy of a rogue – to handle. If a man looking for comfort , and the excellence of it . Inner velvet pillow with a trace of the car . And what a plague destroying the future should also be the songs .
These harmful conflict with the nature of the verse will be. What do we have followed , it will pass over untouchable , and so on for the other cases , such as step by step those things to use . This is dangerous .
The obviously harmful to the human conscience is the deepest feelings and lack of confidence , in fact , he knows everything is always an insurmountable incompetent mistakes . Let faith is the same that destroyed it .
The destructive behavior or stable. But the fact that he was the way of each quarter . Where all things , mountains , walls , and see it in the way. But because he was in a certain way all things , so that in him all things clean. This is not always the power and sometimes refined . At all costs , because he sees , is always the streets . What can carry , and the next . That is , there is no – cement , but that that way .
The wicked man ‘s life Worthing sense of the life of the natural life , but not worth it.
Die Menschen haben den Begriff der Freiheit so manipuliert, daß er schließlich auf das Recht des Stärkeren und Reicheren herausläuft, dem Schwächeren und Ärmeren das wenige abzunehmen, was er noch hat. Der Versuch, daran etwas zu ändern, gilt als schmählicher Eingriff ins Bereich eben der Individualität, die aus der Konsequenz jener Freiheit in ein verwaltetes Nichts zergangen ist. Aber der objektive Geist der Sprache weiß es besser. Das Deutsche und Englische behält das Wort frei Dingen und Leistungen vor, die nichts kosten. Unabhängig von der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie wird damit Zeugnis abgelegt von der Unfreiheit, die im Tauschverhältnis selber gesetzt ist; es gibt keine Freiheit, solange ein jedes Ding seinen Preis hat, und in der verdinglichten Gesellschaft existieren als kümmerliche Rudimente der Freiheit nur Dinge, die vom Preismechanismus ausgenommen sind. Sieht man dann genauer hin, so findet sich freilich meist, daß auch sie ihren Preis haben und Zugaben sind zu den Waren oder wenigstens zur Herrschaft: die Parks machen denen die Gefängnisse erträglich, die nicht drin sind. Für Menschen von freiem, ungezwungenem, souveränem und legerem Wesen jedoch, für jene, die die Freiheit als Privileg von der Unfreiheit beziehen, hat die Sprache einen guten Namen bereit: den des Unverschämten.
People have so manipulated the concept of freedom that it finally boils down to the right of the stronger and richer to take from the weaker and poorer whatever they still have. Attempts to change this are seen as shameful intrusions into the realm of the very individuality that by the logic of that freedom has dissolved into an administered void. But the objective spirit of language knows better. German and English reserve the word ‘free’ for things and services which cost nothing. Aside from a critique of political economy, this bears witness to the unfreedom posited in the exchange relationship itself; there is no freedom as long as everything has its price, and in reified society things exempted from the price mechanism exist only as pitiful rudiments. On closer inspection they too are usually found to have their price, and to be handouts with commodities or at least with domination: parks make prisons more endurable to those not in them. For people with a free, spontaneous, serene and nonchalant temper, however, for those who derive freedom as a privilege from unfreedom, language holds ready an apposite name: that of impudence.
Th. Adorno, Messages in a Bottle