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Tag: proletariat

Privilege Theory’s Critique of Marxism

by Jehu 2014

1.    Privilege theory as a critique of Marxism from within Marxismsadwhiteguy

Privilege theory was custom made for post-war Marxism because, basically, with the just dawning realization that the class struggle appears to have all but disappeared in society in the post-war period, they don’t have much of anything else to discuss when it comes to politics.

Privilege theory has its roots in a self-critique within mid-60s Marxism that communists were neglecting the extent to which racism divided the working class. These critics argued the communists themselves marginalized or altogether ignored the surging black liberation movement and the movements of other oppressed strata within American society. However, the view of these critics of Marxism was, in large part, itself infected with many of the same naive conceptions of the working class in particular and class society as a whole as infected the thinking of the more “orthodox” Marxists.

The “white blindspot” critique assumed the working class was not  already divided by its material conditions of existence, but because the capitalist created and employed racism to divide it. As I will show, the false implication underlying the original argument was that absent racism, the working class would be united. The error is not unique to the “white blindspot” theorists: it pervades the Marxist praxis in the post-war period. This is the sort of argument that demonstrates Marxism’s complete lack of understanding of class society. The argument here is critical to both the critique of Marxism and of privilege theory because the assumption (implicit or explicit) made by Marxists on both sides is that the working class is capable of overcoming its divisions short of complete social emancipation.  On the other hand, the growing influence of privilege theory among activists demonstrates the working class is anything but united and likely cannot be united within its present material conditions.

The conflict over privilege theory can be summed up in two (admittedly simplistic) arguments:

1. With the overthrow of capitalism, racism, sexism and all forms of oppression will be done away with.


2. Racism, sexism and other forms of privilege cannot be ended simply by overthrowing capitalism.

At the outset, I am not going to say both sides are wrong in their characterization of the conflicts and divisions within the working class. I just want to assert that the notion of working class unity runs into some very thorny theoretical question based on a less naive grasp of how classes are constituted in bourgeois society. In historical materialism, all classes in bourgeois society have the same characteristics: First, their common material conditions of existence are independent of the members of the class. Second, absent a conflict with another class, the members of a class are on hostile terms with each other.

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The Young Mario Tronti


A Living Unity in the Marxist: Introduction to Tronti’s Early Writings | Andrew Anastasi

These texts provide the reader with not only some of the ideas percolating in the mind of the young Tronti, but also a window into the prehistory of operaismo: the tumultuous debates within the Italian left of the 1950s over the meanings of Marxism.

Some Questions around Gramsci’s Marxism (1958) | Mario Tronti

Certainly we must assert the novelty, the originality, the autonomy of Marxism. But the novelty of Marxism against any other philosophy consists not in asking more of it as a philosophy; its originality consists in its offer of science to philosophy, or rather in its conceiving the proper philosophy only as science, as a “specific conception of a specific object.”

Between Dialectical Materialism and Philosophy of Praxis: Gramsci and Labriola (1959) | Mario Tronti

First one has all of Marx revolve around Hegel, then one removes Hegel from the center and says: see, Marx fails to rotate on his own. This is how the interpretation of a theory coincides with its liquidation. In fact precisely this misunderstanding has driven Marx’s thought to the margins of contemporary philosophical thought.

On Marxism and Sociology (1959) | Mario Tronti

One absolutely cannot accept that there exists a researcher who offers material to the theorist, and then there is a theorist who re-elaborates it and produces theory. Rather, there is a continuous unity realized already within Marxism, and it lives precisely in the person of the Marxist.

is a member of the editorial collective of Viewpoint and a PhD student at the CUNY Graduate Center.

Revolutionary Hangover

MV5BMjA0Njg4MzQyNl5BMl5BanBnXkFtZTgwNjAyNzkxMzE@._V1_ by Rosa Luxemburg, 1909


History does not pamper the proletariat. Now, when under the undivided rule of counter-revolutionary violence the open performance of the broad mass became almost impossible, when revolutionary work again has been driven underground, the participation of the proletarian Social-Democratic deputies in the State Duma is the last strong ‘legal’ post of class struggle, the Duma tribune – the last tribune, in which it is possible to more or less openly proclaim the slogans of this struggle. And then it appears that even this last legal representation of the proletariat by far does not stand at the height of its tasks, that the Social-Democratic faction very often makes mistakes, that the Duma tribune is insufficiently used for the systematic upholding of the principles of class struggle, for revolutionary critique of all bourgeois parties and their counter-revolutionary games, for political enlightenment of the labouring mass, but frequently is an arena of indecisive action and vacillation on the side of the proletarian deputies, vacillation, excluding a sustained political line and sometimes directly contradictory to the demands of proletarian politics. If one evaluates similar facts ‘on the surface’, not delving deeper in their background, then one can call the present condition of the Duma representation of Social Democracy quite sad. But to say only this would be to observe a truth, undoubtedly, cheaper, than fruitful.

However, no less incandescent (нечален) in its symptomatic significance is also that result, which the weakness of our Duma representation call forth among the ranks of the party in the form of a current, proclaiming openly or secretly the recall of the Social-Democratic faction as the sole exit from the sad situation. The activity of the faction in the third Duma proved its unfitness as a weapon of class struggle – consequently, one needs to recall the faction. So reason some Russian comrades, taking, evidently, this stirring simplicity and direct political reasoning for truly revolutionary decisiveness and solidity in putting the question. For better or for worse, revolutionary proletarian politics does not boil down to such simplified method of thought, – it must be based, in the given case, as also always, first of all on the deeper analysis of objective conditions of struggle of the proletariat and on the dissection of those dialectical inter-relations, in which lies also the true source of difficulties, experienced by Social Democracy, and the true road for the exit from these difficulties.

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Class / segmentation / racialization (TC)

All identities gives themselves an imaginary genealogy which is both efficacious and real by way of its reconstruction.


Originally published by Théorie Communiste, a French communization group, here.

Translated from the French by LNFC (updates by Charnel)

There has al­ways been seg­ment­a­tion with­in labor power. We must take it, then, as an ob­ject­ive de­term­in­a­tion of labor power un­der cap­it­al that nat­ur­ally leads to a di­vi­sion of labor. Here we have noth­ing more than a di­vide between a ho­mo­gen­eous ma­ter­i­al and a simple quant­it­at­ive grad­a­tion of the value of labor power. (Both simple and com­plex work un­der­go a kind of os­mos­is with­in the cap­it­al­ist mode of pro­duc­tion, from the gen­er­al­ized con­straint of sur­plus labor to spe­cial­ized labor un­der co­oper­at­ive man­age­ment, etc.). However, this seg­ment­a­tion would not be so if it were not but a qual­it­at­ive di­vide with­in an oth­er­wise ho­mo­gen­eous ma­ter­i­al. Two pro­cesses in­ter­vene as they weave to­geth­er: On the one hand the cap­it­al­ist mode of pro­duc­tion is glob­al, cap­able of ap­pro­pri­at­ing and des­troy­ing all oth­er modes of pro­duc­tion while con­serving for it­self the char­ac­ter­ist­ics of those it has re­defined. On the oth­er hand the value of labor power rep­res­ents a mor­al, cul­tur­al, and his­tor­ic­al com­pon­ent. Since cap­it­al­ist ex­ploit­a­tion is uni­ver­sal — i.e., be­cause cap­it­al can take over oth­er modes of pro­duc­tion or make them co­ex­ist along­side it, ex­ploit labor power to­geth­er with those oth­er modes or de­tach them from their former ex­ist­en­tial con­di­tions — cap­it­al­ism is thus an his­tor­ic­al con­struc­tion that brings about the co­ex­ist­ence of all the dif­fer­ent strata of his­tory in a single mo­ment. Seg­ment­a­tion is not merely “ma­nip­u­la­tion.” It ex­ists as the vol­un­tary activ­ity of the cap­it­al­ist class and its pro­fes­sion­al ideo­logues, which forms and an­im­ates an ob­ject­ive pro­cess, a struc­tur­al de­term­in­a­tion of the mode of pro­duc­tion.

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Chuang #1: Dead Generations


In this first issue we outline our basic conceptual framework and illustrate the current state of class conflict in China. We also include translated reports and interviews with the proletarians engaged in these struggles, pairing our theory with primary sources drawn from class dynamics that might otherwise remain abstract.Though taking the futureless present as our starting point, our first issue is also in a way performing burial rites for the dead generations who have populated the collapse of the communist horizon in East Asia. This issue therefore begins with a long-form article on the socialist era, “Sorghum and Steel: The Socialist Developmental Regime and the Forging of China,” the first in a three-part series aiming to narrate a new economic history of China (the next two parts will be included in subsequent issues), before moving on to a pair of analytic articles on contemporary urban and rural struggles, as well as original translations and interviews with individuals engaged in them.

Print copies available from AK Press and HK Reader.

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From Welcome to Farewell: Germany, the refugee crisis and the global surplus proletariat


by Felix Baum

In the summer of 2015, almost overnight, Angela Merkel transmuted in international public perception from a brutal whip of austerity policies, relentlessly squeezing already impoverished populations in the crisis-ridden South of the European Union, to the last defender of the humanist values Europe likes to take pride in. Having been regularly portrayed with a Hitler moustache in countries like Greece, she now reemerged as St. Angela, protector of the refugees. While Eastern European countries were busily erecting fences to stem the tide of unwanted intruders, and while the French state declared it sufficient to take in a mere 24,000 Syrians over the next two years, the head of the German government refused to give in to calls within her own party to limit the number of refugees, which was approaching one million (and eventually surpassed that figure by the end of the year). And just as the German hawkishness in dealing with the economic crisis of the Euro zone—seemingly irrational as it only deepened the recession—made observers resort to trivial psychology (was it maybe an exaggerated fear of inflation, deeply engraved in the German mentality, that drove those policies?), the willingness with which the German state, spurred on by its leader’s now famous We can manage!, opened its doors while almost everyone else did the exact opposite, left smart journalists wondering if Merkel’s biography (East German = victim of a Communist dictatorship = empathy for the persecuted) might provide a clue.

More critical observers, of course, suggested other readings. Some Marxists detected an “imperialist offensive” behind the German state’s seeming humanitarianism, welcoming Syrians to gain more influence on the war ravaging their home country while at the same time pushing for “a European solution” to the refugee crisis which, given Germany’s hegemony on the continent, could only turn out to be a solution in Germany’s very own best interest.1 Others focused more on the domestic situation, arguing that refugees are indeed most welcome in Germany, namely as fresh meat on the labor market at a time when many manufacturers are complaining about growing shortages of workers. In some cases, this line of interpretation feeds into a kind of left-wing nationalism that openly advocates “protecting” German workers from undue competition by foreigners. One prominent example is Sahra Wagenknecht, a high-ranking (and formerly Stalinist) politician of the parliamentary Left Party, who attacked Merkel’s policy as a “total failure of the state” and came out in favor of limiting the influx of refugees as the “population’s willingness to take them in has limits.” This earned her not only praise from the new right-wing party Alternative for Germany (AfD), but also a brown chocolate cake thrown in her face by leftist activists at a recent party conference.

Flashmob gegen Männergewalt, Köln 2016

Regardless of their political implications, both readings contain a grain of truth but ultimately seem questionable. It is true that the right to asylum, far from being an immaculate expression of humanism, has always just as much served as an instrument of power politics. (According to a recent study, of the 233,000 refugees the U.S. accepted between 1956 and 1968, a mere 1,000 did not come from “communist” countries, to name but one example.)2 And it is equally true that for capitalists, however much they claim that the ultimate goal of all their altruistic strivings is to provide jobs, full employment is simply a nightmare, as it strengthens workers’ bargaining position. Indeed, over the last nine months, representatives of German business have successfully pushed for lowering the barriers for asylum-seekers to enter the labor market. Still, both readings tend to underestimate to what extent politics, rather than following a consistent strategy, amounts to a hectic and highly contradictory muddling-through against the backdrop of growing global chaos. And what is more: if refugees are so beneficial for German capital and the imperial ambitions of its state, how is it that more recently the state-proclaimed “welcome culture” of summer 2015 has given way to very determined efforts to reinforce Fortress Europe?

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A to Z of communisation (Gilles Dauvé)

(This “A to Z” is the third part of Everything Must Go! Abolish Value, published by Little Black Cart Books, Berkeley, California, in 2015.  The first two parts were written by Bruno Astarian: Crisis Activity & Communisation, and Value & its Abolition)


“Some people will find our propositions insane or naïve. We do not expect to convince everyone. If such a thing were possible, it would be very disturbing. We would rather have readers who have to rub their eyes before granting credence to our positions.”

A World Without Money: Communism, 1975

 AUTONOMY                       BLUE COLLAR                    CLASS                       DAILY LIFE

ECOLOGY                      FAMILY                             GIOTTO                              HABITAT     

INSURRECTION                   JAILBREAK                       KARL  (MARX)                   LABOUR    

MONEY               NON-ECONOMY          OBFUSCATION                POLITICS               QUERY  

REVOLUTION               SEX             TIME  (IS OF THE ESSENCE)                       UNLABELLED

VALUE                        WORK          XENOPHILIA                      YESTERDAY                      ZOMIAS


In 2012, radical Oakland occupiers made it clear that “no permission would be asked, no demands would be made, no negotiation with the police and city administration” : nobody or no body had the power to grant them anything relevant, so there was no point in bargaining with wannabe representatives.

Participatory decision-making implies a communal capacity often called “self-empowerment”. Autonomy is inclusive. As participants share an equal stake in the creation of a different world, the most important thing in their lives becomes their relation to others, and this interdependence extends far beyond the circle of relatives and friends.

In a different time and place, some people have stressed the spontaneity of many recent Chinese strikes, demonstrations, protests, street blockades and riots. Other observers have emphasized the careful planning that takes place beforehand. Yet organization and spontaneity are two sides of the same coin. A self-initiated work-stoppage needs previous secret talks and meetings, and its continuity needs durable independent information channels (such as a mutual help hotline) and decision-making structures.

However, the ideology of autonomy is one of the up-to-date nostrums. Autonomy is acting by oneself:  it says nothing about what this individual or collective self actually does. In the ebbs and flows of social battles, most occupations and strikes meet the limit of one company, one neighbourhood, one town, one city. Workplace, neighbourhood, kinship, etc., create a potential community of struggle which by its own strength alone can certainly self-manage an occupation, a strike, even community life for a while… but it is not enough to break the log jam.

How does a community of struggle create more than its struggle ? Can it go beyond rituals of social partnership ? How does solidarity not become an end in itself ? When can collective will wield its transformative power?

Unlike a book divided into chapters which gradually make their point from beginning to end, this A to Z is more like a dictionary in which each entry is to be read in relation to all the others. It is by accident that autonomy begins with the first letter of the alphabet. But it is no accident that self-activity should be a starting point. Autonomy is a necessary condition of the whole A to Z of communisation. It does not encapsulate the whole process.

Occupational Hazards. The Rise & Limitation of Occupy Oakland, CAL Press, 2012

New Strikes in China,

Eli Friedman, Insurgency Trap. Labor Politics in Post-socialist China, Cornell U.P., 2014

A Contribution to the Critique of Political Autonomy, troploin site, 2008


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On the anti-Islamophobia ideology


(translated from the french)

The intention of this text is to reply to those among the anarcho-communists who are engaged in the fight against “Islamophobia” and who, for that reason, bar all criticism of Islam and endorse a theory of race as a social class, in an atmosphere of increasing tension, accusations of racism, and even actual physical attacks.

The term “Islamophobia,” which probably dates back to the early twentieth century, only recently came into widespread use to designate racism against “Arabs.” This corresponded to a shift from racism against North Africans to terror or horror aroused by the Muslims’ religion. Immigrants and their descendants, formerly rejected for “ethnic” reasons, are discriminated against today for their supposed adherence to an original culture identified with one of its dimensions—the Muslim religion—which many do not even practice, although some observe certain traditional customs.

Through this artifice, religion is assimilated to “race” as a cultural matrix in what amounts to a “cultural mystification (…) by which an entire cross-section of individuals is assigned, on the basis of their origin or physical appearance, to the category of ‘Muslims,’ silencing any criticism of Islam, which is perceived, not as a critique of religion, but directly as a manifestation of racism.”[1] While Claude Guillon sees “contempt” in this “antiracism of idiots,” [2] we mainly recognize the specter haunting the left—third-worldism. According to this ideology, which entails uncritical support of the “oppressed” against their “oppressor,” those who saw the “colonized” as the exploited people par excellence during the Algerian war unconditionally supported the NLF. Or take the Vietnam committees during the Vietnam war, for whom denunciation of the Americans meant supporting the Viet Minh and the politics of Ho Chi Minh, chanting his name and waving his picture at every demonstration. This scenario was repeated with the Iranian revolution in 1979 and with the pro-Palestinians. Today, taking the Kurds’ defense usually implies supporting the PKK and waving Oçalan’s picture. Such was the process by which, little by little, the third-worldist perspective abandoned the proletariat as revolutionary subject and replaced it with the colonized, then the immigrant, the descendant of immigrants… and finally the believer. While at first, third-worldism promoted cultural relativism, its successors adopted culturalism, which posits cultural differences to explain social relationships. SOS Racisme’s great manipulation in the 1980s made this shift a doctrine that ultimately engendered all the excesses we’re witnessing today, in particular the Muslim identity assigned to “Arab” immigrants and their descendants as a whole.

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Global Working Class

SWWorld(Wildcat Germany)

Uprising or Class Struggle?

The concept of class has become popular again. After the most recent global economic crisis, even bourgeois newspapers started posing the question: “Wasn’t Marx right after all?” For the last two years Thomas Piketty’s ‘Capital in the Twenty-First Century’ has been on the bestseller list – a book which describes in a detailed way how historically, the capitalist process of accumulation resulted in a concentration of wealth into the hands of a tiny minority of capital owners. In western democracies too, significant inequalities have led to an increase in fear of social uprisings. This spectre has haunted the world in recent years – from riots in Athens, London, Baltimore, to the revolts in North Africa, which at times got rid of whole state governments. As usual during these times of unrest, while one faction of the rulers call for repression and weapons, the other raises the ‘social question’, which is supposed to be solved by reforms or redistribution policies.

Global crisis has de-legitimated capitalism; the politics of the rulers and governments to make the workers and poor pay for the crisis has fuelled anger and desperation. Who would still dispute that we live in a ‘class society’? But what does that mean?

‘Classes’ in the more narrow sense of the word only emerge with capitalism – but the disappropriation from the means of production on which the property-less state of the proletarian is based, has not been a singular historical process. Disappropriation is a daily reoccurrence within the production process itself: workers produce, but the product of their labour does not belong to them. They only get what they need for the reproduction of their labour power, or that according to the living standard that they have claimed through struggle.

In principle, class societies don’t recognise any privileges by birthright, rather the ownership of money determines one’s position in society. In principle capitalism makes it possible to have a career that starts from being a dishwasher to becoming a stock market speculator (or at least a small entrepreneur, which is the hope of many migrants). At the same time, members of the petty bourgeoisie or artisans can descend into the ranks of the proletarians. Climbing up the social ladder is rarely the result of one’s own labour, rather of the ability to become a capitalist and to appropriate other people’s labour. (The mafia, as well, possesses this ability.)

In actual fact, a process of class polarisation takes place, which Marx and Engels had already grasped as an explosive force and precondition for revolution. “The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.”(Manifesto) Immanuel Wallerstein declared Marx’s thesis of class polarisation to be his most radical one, which – once related to the world system – has been proven to be true. Polarisation means, on one hand, proletarianisation, on the other hand bourgeoisification.

Capital is not simply wealth accumulated in the hands of a few. Capital is the precondition and result of the capitalist process of production, in which living labour creates value, which is appropriated by others. For capitalism is not typically the ‘exploitation’ of a single worker by an artisan master, but the exploitation of a big mass of workers in a factory. It is a mode of production based on the fact that millions of people work together although they don’t know each other. They produce value together, but together they can also refuse this work and question the social division of labour. As labour power, workers are part of capital; as the working class, they are capital’s biggest enemy within.

Generations of ‘scientific management’ researchers have tried to expropriate workers’ knowledge of how to produce in order to become independent from them. They have established parallel production units in order to be able to continue production in case workers go on strike. They have closed down and relocated factories in order to be able to increase exploitation of, and control over, new groups of workers. But they were not able to exorcise the spectre. During the strike-waves of 2010, for the first time it haunted all parts of the globe simultaneously. These struggles are currently in the process of changing this world. Even academia has become aware of it and after a long time has turned the working class into an object of their research again – as numerous publications, new magazines and web-pages demonstrate, through which left-wing social scientists try to create links between workers in different continents. In Germany for the last 25 years, workers were left alone with their struggles – here, as well, social movements and intellectuals have started referring to them again.

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Inextinguishable Fire: Ferguson and Beyond

By R.L., metamute.org17 November 2014


Image: Ferguson rebel holds up sign: ‘Nice Night 4 a Revolution’

The cop murder of Mike Brown and the subsequent eruption in Ferguson and around the US have raised questions about the value of racialised life and the forms of struggle against race emerging in the face of displacement, immiseration and militarised policing. R.L. traces the coordinates of a militant younger generation that has a different relation to race and class belonging

 We are ready to die tonight

Posted on twitter by Anon

We still live in the shadows of the global financial crisis. Now seemingly a distant memory – along with the wave of struggles that trailed in its tracks – the full ramifications of the crisis are still unfolding today. Sluggish worldwide GDP growth rates, high unemployment levels, diffuse immiseration amongst the population…all the while governments bear a purely negative function, engaging in a hodgepodge of ineffective half-measures intended to prevent further social dissolution. In this regard, we very much agree with Endnotes’ analysis of the present as caught in a holding pattern, in which the global crisis of capital has for the moment stalled and the forces of disintegration are kept at bay.[1]

Within the constraints of these circumstances, a growing mass of humanity are being left behind as the economy falters ahead. In order for capitalist society to continue its course, the growing mass of surplus humanity must somehow be ‘integrated’ into class society even despite being socially ‘unnecessary’ to its reproduction. In the absence of any wider social resolution to growing immiseration, the predicament is for now resolved ideologically through criminalisation and practically through punishment. Increasing immiseration, and subsequently exclusion, must therefore be justified and normalised. Rising social inequality becomes framed as a problem of containment and the solution one of increasing control.

The police shooting of Michael Brown resonates all too familiarly within this interim period. However, in contrast to other similar incidences, Ferguson has led to an especially explosive and protracted reaction. Its impact has gone far beyond the small suburb of Ferguson, Missouri, attracting not only those in the immediate vicinity of the town itself, but reverberating all throughout the United States. What factors have made the rebellion in Ferguson particularly extensive? Does the eruption indicate any evolutionary development in the problem of coordination amongst proletarians in light of past struggles? And what does this eruption tell us about our place within the ongoing crisis of the capitalist class relation?

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The Wreck of the Plaza


In an epoch characterized by disequilibria political and economic, none has been more perplexing than the inability to match means with ends. Everywhere, violent eruptions find no demand or objective around which to cohere, while struggles for the most minor of reforms burn with revolutionary intensity. Either the means overrrun their ends, or they find no end at all. In Turkey and Brazil, demonstrations over a change in the price of transit, or the development of a city park, provoke violent conflicts of an almost insurrectionary intensity. In France, teenagers barricade their schools against the withdrawal of a pension that is as yet fifty years off. Any pretext, any provocation can become the adventitious occasion for mobilization of antagonism that finds no outlet, no name or program. Do we suppose that French kids are really concerned about what will happen to them once they are ready to retire? Does any young person expect the current social order to last that long? What can it mean when a .20 real increase in transit fares becomes the occasion for petrol bomb attacks on the National Assembly, when a conflict over a half acre of green space sets in motion a national uprising involving millions? What can be glimpsed through this gap between tactics and strategy, discourse and praxis, between the slogans and signage of a social movement and what one is willing to do with friends and strangers on a given evening after the future has come to an end?

Three years ago we wrote from an absent future we had encountered on the grounds of the American university. Today, the absence of that future is everywhere present. Neither capital nor its would-be antagonists can provide a compelling portrait of the next decade, let alone the next century. All the sci-fi utopias of flying cars and robot servants, of full automation and zero work, seem truly ridiculous. No one can imagine capitalism providing a series of progressive social reforms, any more than they can imagine seizing the state and the economy to provide a more egalitarian distribution of resources. No, the future presents only as ruin, apocalypse, burning metal in the desert. There is no possibility of an instrumental linking of means to ends, a linking of people to party, party to program. Everywhere, means exceed their ends; everywhere, the registration of social catastrophe must find its occasion lacking any remedies carried forward from the past. In such a conjuncture, the masses are opportunists; they find in immediate and often trivial demands an opportunity to mobilize grand antagonisms which otherwise find no clear expression.

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The revolution will not be won in a straight line


Some fractions of the insurgent proletariat will be smashed, others will be “turned back”, rallying to measures for the conservation of survival. Other insurrections will pick up where they leave off. Certain of those turned back or bogged down will resume wildcat expropriations, and the organisation of the struggle by those who struggle and uniquely for the struggle, without representation, without control by anyone in the name of anything, thereby taking up once again the constitution of communism, which is not a goal of the struggle but rather its content. Counter-revolutionary ideologies will be numerous, starting perhaps with that of the survival of the economy: preserving economic mechanisms, not destroying all economic logic, in order to then construct a new economy. The survival of the economy is the survival of exchange, whether this exchange uses money, any kind of voucher or chit, or even simply barter, which can be adorned with the name of mutual aid between workers! The situation where everything is for free and the complete absence of any form of accounting is the axis around which the revolutionary community will construct itself. Only the situation where everything is for free will enable the bringing together of all the social strata which are not directly proletarian and which will collapse in the hyper crisis. Only the situation where everything is for free will integrate/abolish all the individuals who are not directly proletarian, all those “without reserves” (including those whom revolutionary activity will have reduced to this condition), the unemployed, the ruined peasants of the “third world”, the masses of the informal economy. These masses must be dissolved as middle strata, as peasants, in order to break the personal relations of dependence between “bosses” and “employees” as well as the situation of “small independent producers” within the informal economy, by taking concrete communist measures which force all these strata to join the proletariat, that is, to realise their “proletarianisation.”

Proletarians who communise society will have no need of “frontism”. They will not seek out a common program for the victims of capital. If they engage in frontism they are dead, if they remain alone they are also dead. They must confront all the other classes of society as the sole class not able to triumph by remaining what it is. The measures of communisation are the abolition of the proletariat because, in addition to its unification in its abolition, they dissolve the basis of existence of a multitude of intermediate strata (managerial strata of capitalist production and reproduction) which are thereby absorbed into the process of communisation and millions (if not billions) of individuals that are exploited through the product of their labour and not the sale of their labour-power. At the regional level as much as at the global one, communisation will have an action that one could call “humanitarian”, even if this term is currently unpronounceable, because communisation will take charge of all the misery of the world. Human activity as a flux is the only presupposition of its collective, that is to say individual, pursuit, because, as it is self-presupposing, it has no conception of what a product is and can thus give plentifully. The proletariat, acting as a class, dissolves itself as a class through these acts of seizure, because in them it overcomes its “autonomy”.

– the suspended step of communisationSic 1



Communism means the end of a series of mediations which were previously necessary (in spite of the misery they entailed) to accumulate enough past labour to enable humans to do without these mediations. Value is such a mediation: it is now useless to have an element external to social activities to connect and stimulate them. The accumulated productive infrastructure only needs to be transformed and developed. Communism compares use values to decide to develop a given production rather than another one. It does not reduce the components of social life to a common denominator (the average labour time contained in them). Communism organizes its material life on the basis of the confrontation and interplay of needs – which does not exclude conflicts and even some form of violence. People will not turn into angels: why should they?

Communism is not a set of measures to be put into practice after the seizure of power. It is a movement which already exists, not as a mode of production (there can be no communist island within capitalist society), but as a tendency which originates in real needs. Communism does not even know what value is. The point is not that one fine day a large number of people start to destroy value and profit. All past revolutionary movements were able to bring society to a standstill, and waited for something to come out of this universal stoppage. Communization, on the contrary, will circulate goods without money, open the gate isolating a factory from its neighbourhood, close down another factory where the work process is too alienating to be technically improved, do away with school as a specialized place which cuts off learning from doing for 15 odd years, pull down walls that force people to imprison themselves in 3-room family units – in short, it will tend to break all separations.

The mechanism of the communist revolution is a product of struggles. Their development leads to a time when society forces all individuals whom it leaves with no other perspective to establish new social relations. If a number of social struggles now seem to come to nothing, it is because their only possible continuation would be communism, whatever those who take part in them may now think. Even when workers are just making demands they often come to a point when there is no other solution but a violent clash with the State and its assistants, the unions. In that case, armed struggle and insurrection imply the application of a social programme, and the use of the economy as a weapon. The military aspect, as important as it may be, depends on the social content of the struggle. To be able to defeat its enemies on a military level, the proletariat – whatever its consciousness – transforms society in a communist way.


Surplus of the World, Unite!


Je größer der gesellschaftliche Reichtum, das funktionierende Kapital, Umfang und Energie seines Wachstums, also auch die absolute Größe des Proletariats und die Produktivkraft seiner Arbeit, desto größer die industrielle Reservearmee. Die disponible Arbeitskraft wird durch dieselben Ursachen entwickelt wie die Expansivkraft des Kapitals. Die verhältnismäßige Größe der industriellen Reservearmee wächst also mit den Potenzen des Reichtums. Je größer aber diese Reservearmee im Verhältnis zur aktiven Arbeiterarmee, desto massenhafter die konsolidierte Übervölkerung, deren Elend im umgekehrten Verhältnis zu ihrer Arbeitsqual steht. Je größer endlich die Lazarusschichte der Arbeiterklasse und die industrielle Reserve-armee, desto größer der offizielle Pauperismus. Dies ist das absolute, allgemeine Gesetz der kapitalistischen Akkumulation.

The greater the social wealth, the functioning capital, the extent and energy of its growth, and therefore also the greater the absolute mass of the proletariat and the productivity of its labour, the greater is the industrial reserve army. The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, also develop the labour-power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army thus increases with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this reserve army, the greater is the mass of a consolidated surplus population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to the amount of torture it has to undergo in the form of labour. The more extensive, finally, the lazarus-layers of the working class, and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation.

– Marx, Capital, vol.1 (MECW 35), p. 638.

Analysis of the situation of the global liverwurst producers

CIS translator


Thank you to wonderful human translator man, THAMSANQA JANTJIE, for making most great text of ours english good!


Love Genossinen and comrades ,

The world is upside down . Where us the groundbreaking events , riots , rebellions , but also the ever more deeply burrowing into our living conditions of capitalist crisis Sales and clamp the global Leberwurstprdouktion drive , which is uncertain. Clearly, nothing will be as it once was. And now the social and economic situation of most people siptz to . The economic depression destroyed usual communities , everyday occurrences and social fabric .

Even if it is just in Berlin and the entire , shitty German republic more like a cuddly warm- soft outdoor pool, fringed with pink red plush – animal – fur feels coated walls and fluffy disco music : Appearances can be deceiving . Again, the ” accumulation model liverwurst ” already troubled as it seems.

And at this point love Comrades , we need to keep us in mind as the atomization of the Public relations continues to progress . Isolation. Every day , more and more mentally confused , hounded and completely individualized subjectivity.

And yet, there they are still . This completely crazy Gehirnsex . Feelings of happiness when one finds its place somewhere . Endorphins without boundaries , because if you finally get somewhere . If the desire is satisfied to be part of the social spectacle.

Most of all I love all these morons in the creative industries and professional politicians of NGOs , alternative medicine. Those that sweeten our lives so , make it more interesting , day after day in the service of improving the world are . We love them all : the DJ’s , the organizers , the medical practitioner , Stiftungsfutzis posturing with their pathetic Sozialdemkoratischen , filmmakers and theater Fritzen , Booker of exciting bands and events. You all are permanent in their delusions of self-promotion and the veneer of total apocalypse we are heading towards . Like carnival barkers . Look at me . Love me. Here I am. Look what I once again exciting staging this weekend , darts adjusting , organizing … I even have an app ! Vain . Take me ! Looks me. Why not : Fuck me ?

Who does not know : ” project-related success stories” from the entire liver sausage creative and advertising industry , ” Do it Yourself offices ” for liverwurst fashion and liverwurst Art Vernissages » ” We are so fuckin crazy sausage parties and art projects “,” celebrated theses about postmodern identity constructions – of course connected with a performance in one of the trendiest art project rooms or hip theater stages the liver scene ” ? Media heads, and out to sound the banalities of everyday life with their smooth , formatted records. And their message : Look : We are . I want to be ! You want to be !

There are all places , moments , gears of social spectacle of self-presentation and self- in- scene setting . Everything under the sign of the global sausage production chain. In fact , all but rotates only about sausage .

And, who does not join in on the long production , utilization and consumption chain of the liver goods superfluous. The Misfits . A Looser . Here: Hartz 4, in this country then you have the luck to queue up at the long queue for the charity award and forced surveys. ” How much sausage do you have stashed away still under the pillow? “, ” Do you share yourself for not having your community the liver goods? “, ” Are you willing at any time , really any time to work in the liverwurst cleaning army? » . Yes , dear comrades , dear comrades , these questions , and yet very different , we must now leave the sausage fingers of the job center all fallen . Or do you become a street sausage vendor. But who wants that?

Then maybe the great alternative . The Last Hope . They are still alive. The last places of retreat. This miserable , boring one relationships where one always feels so good . This whole anxiety can drain there and live out sooo beautiful. Yes , and these horny coveted jobs where you finally travels the world history. This dreary realities where you feel between job everyday , two-person relationship , monogamy and life organization , yoga lessons , Lesezirklen , football evenings , friends – are planning or so, leave – move . Yes, where is there life? Where is there the climax ? On drugs? When infidelity ? In Fitnisstudio Nah , I know it : when couples movie night – of course! with chips ! And then maybe fumbling !

That’s really pathetic! That’s really sucks ! That’s totally boring ! That’s totaaaaaal boring! That’s not enough yet . If that’s enough? That’s not enough for me ! That is enough for us but not all ! This is not an ecstasy, that is the absolute desolation .

Dear Comrades the international sausage production. And by that I mean really all proletarians from all industries . Not only from the direct industrial production chain. Even the advertisers , retailers , cleaners , yes, all, all, all sausages actually really there!

The question is : what do we want? And what we want to tuen ? What do we feel ? What do we think? How do we want to live? Loved ones? Dancing ? What are the true drama of life?

It is time , dear liver avant-garde ! There are only two ways ! Either we remain doomed and lonely , destitute , and even dumb , in the crisis sticking liverwurst commodity production. Maybe with the prospect that maybe someday come sometimes a golden age in the mass production of bacon? Yes you want that?

The other way , and I believe it is the right thing, my dear comrades ! We can be part of the World liverwurst uprising. Part of a global , grand , new composition of people , emotions, subjectivities , desire , hope, love … Yes, let’s get started ! Now! We refuse immediately. Commercial production of liverwurst . The fetishism of love, of life, of work, of the complete being. Let’s start to be Free. To go to the barricades !

In this sense: Immediate reversal of dreary , atomized everyday life and the present mode of production of the goods of everyday life, of being. Long live freedom ! Let us take what is ours ! Liverwurst Pumpernikel for all and indeed in vain !



Analyse der Situation der weltweiten Leberwurstproduzent_innen


Liebe Genossinen und Genossen,

Die Welt steht Kopf. Wohin uns die bahnbrechenden Ereignisse, Aufstände, Rebellionen, aber auch die immer sich tiefer in unsere Lebensverhältnisse eingrabende Krise der kapitalistischen Absatz- und Produktionsklemme der weltweiten Leberwurstprdouktion treiben, das ist ungewiss. Klar ist, nichts wird mehr so sein, wie es einmal war. Und schon jetzt siptz sich die soziale und ökonomische Lage der meisten Menschen zu. Die wirtschaftliche Depression zerstört gewohnte Lebensgemeinschaften, Alltäglichkeiten und soziale Gefüge.

Auch wenn es sich gerade in Berlin und der gesamten, verschissenen deutschen Republik eher nach einem kuschel-warm-weichen Whirpool, umsäumt mit rosarotem Plüsch-Tier-Fell überzogenen Wänden und fluffiger Discomusik anfühlt: Der Schein trügt. Auch hier ist das «Akkumulationsmodell Leberwurst» schon angeschlagener als es scheint.

Und an diesem Punkt liebe Genossinnen und Genossen müssen wir uns doch vor Augen halten, wie die Atomisierung der Gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse immer weiter voran schreitet. Vereinzelung. Tag für Tag, mehr und mehr psychisch verwirrte, gehetzte und völlig individualisierte Subjektivität.

Und trotzdem: es gibt sie noch immer. Dieser völlig durchgeknallte Gehirnsex. Glücksgefühle wenn man irgendwo seinen Platz findet. Endorphinausschüttung ohne Grenzen, wenn man denn endlich irgendwo ankommt. Wenn die Sehnsucht gestillt wird, Teil des gesellschaftlichen Spektakels zu sein.

Am meisten liebe ich diese ganzen Schwachköpfe der Kreativwirtschaft und Berufspolitiker der NGOs, der alternativen Medizin. Die, die uns unseren Alltag so versüßen, interessanter machen, tag für Tag im Dienste der Weltverbesserung stehen. Wir lieben sie alle: Die DJ´s, die Veranstalter, die Heilpraktiker, Stiftungsfutzis mit ihrem erbärmlichen Sozialdemkoratischen gehabe, die Filmemacherinnen und Theaterfritzen, Booker von spannenden Bands und Veranstaltungen. Sie alle befinden sich Permanent im ihrem Wahn der Eigenwerbung und der Verblendung der totalen Apokalypse auf die wir zusteuern.  Wie Marktschreier. Sieh mich. Liebe mich. Hier bin ich. Schau mal was ich dieses Wochenende mal wieder spannendes inszeniere, dartstelle, veranstalte… Ich hab sogar eine App! Umsonst. Nimm mich! Sieht mich. Warum nicht gleich:Fick mich!?

Wer kennt sie nicht: “projektbezogene Erfolgsgeschichten” aus der gesamten Leberwurst-Kreativ und -Werbebranche, “Do it Yourself Büroräumen” für Leberwurstmode und Leberwurst-Kunst-Vernissages» “We are so fuckin crazy Leberwurst-Parties und Kunstprojekte”, “gefeierten Doktorarbeiten über Postmoderne-Identitäts-Konstruktionen – natürlich verbunden mit einer Performance in einer der angesagt Kunstprojekträume oder hippen Theaterbühnen der Leberszene”? Medienfratzen, die mit ihren glatten, formatierten Sätzen die Banalitäten des Alltags rausposaunen.  Und ihre Message: Seht her: Wir sind. Ich will sein! Du willst sein!

Es sind alles Orte, Momente, Zahnräder des gesellschaftlichen Spektakels der Selbstinszenierung und des Sich-In-Szene setzens. Alles unter den Zeichen der Globalen Leberwurstproduktionskette. Überhaupt, alles dreht sich doch nur noch um die Wurst.

Und, wer nicht an der langen Produktions-, Verwertungs und Konsumtionskette der Leberwaren mitmacht ist überflüssig. Nicht gesellschaftsfähig. Ein Looser. Hier: Hartz 4, hier zu Lande hat man dann noch das Glück sich an der langen Schlange für die Almosenvergabe und Zwangsbefragungen anzustellen. «Wie viel Leberwurst hast du denn noch unterm Kissen gebunkert?», «Teilst du dir denn nicht mit deiner Lebensgemeinschaft die Leberwaren?», «Bist du auch bereit jederzeit, wirklich jederzeit in der Leberwurstreinigungsarmee zu arbeiten?». Ja, liebe Genossen, liebe Genossinnen, diese Fragen, und noch ganz anderen müssen wir uns von den Wurstfingern des Jobcenters mittlerweile alle gefallen lassen. Oder man wird zum Strassen-Leberwurstverkäufer. Aber wer will das schon?

Dann doch lieber die große Alternative. Die Letzte Hoffnung.  Es gibt sie ja noch. Die letzten Orte des Rückzugs. Diese elendigen, langweiligen Zweierbeziehungen wo man sich immer so gut fühlt. Diese ganze Ängste kann man da ablassen und sooo schön ausleben. Ja, oder diese geilen, begehrten Jobs wo man endlich durch die Weltgeschichte reist. Diese tristen Realitäten, wo man sich zwischen Job-Alltag, Zweierbeziehung, Monogamie und Lebensorganisation, Yoga-Stunden, Lesezirklen, Fussballabenden, Freunden – oder ja, Urlaub planen – bewegt. Ja, wo ist denn da das Leben? Wo ist denn da der Höhepunkt? Auf Drogen? Beim Seitensprung? Im Fitnisstudio Nee, ich weiss es: beim Pärchenvideoabend – natürlich! mit Chips!  Und dann vielleicht noch Fummeln!

Das ist doch echt erbärmlich! Das ist doch echt zum kotzen! Das ist doch total langweilig! Das ist doch totaaaaaal langweilig! Das reicht doch nicht. Wem reicht das denn? Das reicht mir nicht! Das reicht uns doch allen nicht! Das ist keine Ekstase, das ist die absolute Öde.

Liebe Genossinnen und Genossen der internationalen Leberwurstproduktion. Und damit meine ich wirklich alle Proletarier aus allen Branchen. Nicht nur aus der direkten Industrieproduktionskette. Auch die Werber, Verkäufer, die Reinigungskräfte, ja, alle, alle, eigentlich wirklich alle Würstchen da!

Die Frage ist doch: was wollen wir? Und was wollen wir tuen? Was fühlen wir? Was denken wir? Wie wollen wir leben? Lieben? Tanzen?  Was sind denn die wahren Dramen des Lebens?

Es ist an der Zeit, liebe Leber-Avantgarde! Es gibt nur noch zwei Wege! Entweder wir bleiben verdammt und vereinsamen, verelenden, ja verdummen sogar, in der Krisenhaften Leberwurstwarenproduktion. Vielleicht mit der Aussicht, dass vielleicht irgendwann auch mal goldene Zeiten in der Massenproduktion von Speck kommen? Ja wollt ihr das denn?

Der andere Weg, und ich glaube es ist der Richtige, meine lieben Genossinnen und Genossen! Wir können Teil des Weltweiten Leberwurst Aufstandes werden. Teil einer globalen, großartigen, neuen Zusammensetzung von Menschen, Gefühlen, Subjektivitäten, Verlangen, Hoffnung, Liebe… Ja, fangen wir an! Jetzt! Verweigern wir ab sofort. Die Warenproduktion der Leberwurst. Den Fetischismus der Liebe, des Lebens, der Arbeit, des kompletten Sein. Fangen wir an Frei zu sein. Auf die Barrikaden zu gehen!

In diesem Sinne: Sofortige Aufhebung des tristen, atomisierten Alltags und der jetzigen Produktionweise der Waren, des Alltags, des Seins. Es lebe die Freiheit! Nehmen wir, was uns gehört! Leberwurst-Pumpernikel für Alle und zwar Umsonst!